
King Mohammed VI extends his condolences to the family of Abdelhak Mrini
King Mohammed VI has sent a message of condolences and compassion to the family of the late Abdelhak Mrini, the historiographer of the Kingdom of Morocco and spokesperson for the Royal Palace.
«We have received with deep sorrow and great sadness the news of the passing of Our faithful servant, the late Abdelhak Mrini, historiographer of the Kingdom of Morocco and spokesperson for the Royal Palace. May God accept him into His holy mercy during these blessed days of the month of Dhu al-Hijjah and surround him with His vast benevolence», wrote the Sovereign.
In this painful moment, the King extends his heartfelt condolences and sympathy to the deceased's family, and through them, to his relatives, friends, admirers, and the academic and cultural community, mourning the loss of a pillar of their family—an esteemed intellectual and cultural figure, and a devoted servant of the nation.
The King added that the greatest consolation amid this sorrow, given the inevitability of divine will, is the precious intellectual and scientific legacy left by Abdelhak Mrini. Over a career spanning more than six decades, he held prominent roles dedicated to the noble mission of education and the documentation of modern Moroccan history.
The late Abdelhak Mrini enriched the national library with numerous important and unique works that will remain a lasting tribute to his intellectual excellence, passion for knowledge, dedication to his homeland, and his steadfast loyalty to the enduring values of the nation and the Alaouite Throne, the King emphasized.

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Morocco World
23 minutes ago
- Morocco World
No Country for Old Age? Morocco Stalls at the Edge of a Graying Future
Rabat – As Morocco navigates the 21st century, the country finds itself at the cusp of a quiet but still powerful demographic shift. Declining fertility, rising infertility rates, longer life expectancy, and evolving social structures are all converging to produce one unavoidable reality: Morocco is aging. The country is going through a demographic shift as the number of persons aged 60+ is expected to more than double between 2020-2050. To ensure every person can lead an independent and dignified life at any age, and their communities benefit from the demographic dividend, national policies and systems across all sectors must address the well-being and rights of individuals across this life course. While this trend is not unique to Morocco, the country's particular socio-economic landscape poses unique challenges. With no clearly defined or publicly shared national plan to address the coming 'gray wave,' questions are mounting over whether Morocco is doing enough to prepare for a future where a growing portion of its citizens will be older, more vulnerable, and in need of targeted support. A rapidly aging population Morocco's demographic indicators have shifted dramatically over the past four decades. The fertility rate, for instance, went through fluctuations, all pointing towards a downward trend. According to data from Macrotrends, Morocco's fertility rate has been gradually declining over the past few years. In 2025, it stands at 2.26, marking a 0.92% decrease from 2024. The previous year recorded a rate of 2.28, following a 0.87% drop from 2023. Women are marrying later, often due to rising education levels, economic uncertainty, and changing cultural expectations. As of 2022, the number of marriages in Morocco stood at around 252,000. The number decreased compared to the previous year, when it reached a low of approximately 270,000. Previously, marriages in the country decreased gradually from 2018 to 2020, data from Statista shows. Infertility, too, is on the rise, with a national health survey estimating that over 12% of Moroccan couples face fertility challenges. These trends mean that while Morocco is still classified as a 'young country,' the age structure is evolving fast. According to projections by Morocco's High Commission for Planning (HCP), the population of people aged 60 and over in Morocco is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 3.3% between 2014 and 2050. Their numbers are expected to more than triple over this period, rising from 3.2 million to 10.1 million. By 2050, this age group would account for 23.2% of the country's total population. The implications are far-reaching, affecting everything from healthcare and pensions to labor markets, housing, and family life. Inadequate infrastructure, the digital divide Despite these clear signals, Morocco's approach to aging remains fragmented and, in many cases, inadequate. Pension systems exist, notably through the Moroccan Pension Fund (CMR) and the National Social Security Fund (CNSS), but their coverage is limited, especially for people who spent their lives working in the informal economy. With many essential services now digitized, older adults face significant barriers. Accessing CNSS benefits, renewing medical cards, or registering for health coverage often requires digital skills and internet access that many senior citizens simply do not have. When they go to CNSS offices to inquire about their pensions or seek basic information, many — if not all — older Moroccans often find themselves unable to even queue without a prior online appointment, a requirement that assumes digital access and literacy. Many of these individuals are frail, unwell, or come from remote areas. They may not own smartphones or know how to use them, and the physical strain of waiting in long lines only adds to their hardship. For the senior population, digital exclusion can mean being effectively locked out of vital services. While digital transformation is an important goal for Morocco's administrative modernization, it currently risks alienating a large and growing segment of the population. Grim reality? Morocco's health system is not yet equipped to meet the needs of an aging population. Geriatric care remains a neglected specialty, with few medical professionals trained specifically to care for older adults. Hospitals and clinics often lack the resources or capacity to deal with age-related conditions, such as dementia, cardiovascular diseases, and mobility issues. Out-of-pocket health expenditures are high in Morocco, creating another layer of vulnerability for seniors, particularly those living alone or without family support. While the rollout of AMO (Compulsory Health Insurance) under CNSS has expanded access to basic healthcare, the system's gaps remain acute. A survey published in January by the market research group Sunergia sheds light on the stark realities of retirement in Morocco, revealing significant gaps and enduring inequalities. While 59% of Moroccans are covered by employer-provided retirement plans, only 5% have secured coverage on their own. Workers in the informal sector and retirees from private companies make up the majority of those with individual plans, with just 10% and 13% in each group reporting independent coverage. More troubling, however, is the finding that 36% of Moroccans have no retirement coverage at all, a figure that soars to 86% among those working in the informal economy, exposing the severe vulnerability of this population. Although the government has been reviewing the pension system to address its shortcomings and improve retirement coverage, many people remain dissatisfied, especially with the ongoing inflation and rising cost of living, as the results have yet to bring noticeable improvements or alleviate widespread concerns about inequality and accessibility. In January, the Civil Pensioners' Organization of Morocco (ORCM) raised serious concerns about the deteriorating conditions retirees are facing across the country. The organization criticized successive governments for neglecting this vulnerable group and showing little regard for the growing financial pressures retirees endured amid ongoing inflation. Their planned protest followed recent government debates on pension reform , which resulted in an approved amendment to the 2025 Finance Bill (PLF 2025) that gradually exempted basic retirement pensions from income tax. Starting in January 2025, retirees receiving basic pensions were set to benefit from a 50% tax reduction, moving toward full exemption by 2026. However, this relief applied only to basic pensions and regulated lifetime annuities; complementary pensions, which tended to be higher due to additional savings, remained taxable to preserve state revenues. Despite this measure, retirees argued that the reform failed to meet their real needs. While it offered them some financial relief, many pensioners continued to struggle with low pensions that did not cover essential living costs like food and daily necessities. Is pension reform enough? Pension reform has long been a recurring issue in Morocco's policy landscape, discussed, debated, and revisited over the years without a definitive resolution. Its persistence reflects both the structural complexity of the system and the wide-reaching consequences of any proposed changes. Despite repeated efforts by successive governments, striking a balance between financial sustainability and social equity has proven elusive, keeping the issue at the forefront of public debate. The government introduced in December last year a new measure under the 2025 Finance Bill (PLF 2025), to ease the financial burden on retirees. The amendment, approved by Parliament, sets out a phased exemption of basic retirement pensions from income tax. Starting in January 2025, beneficiaries under the basic regime began receiving a 50% tax deduction, with a full exemption planned for 2026. Budget Minister Delegate Fouzi Lekjaa described the reform as a step toward alleviating the economic pressure facing Morocco's aging population. However, the measure is limited in scope. It applies only to basic pensions and regulated lifetime annuities, while complementary pensions, which are often higher due to individual savings, remain taxable to preserve fiscal revenue. Although the reform marked a move in the right direction, retirees argued it fell short of meeting their broader demands for a dignified standard of living. Chief among their calls were immediate pension increases, particularly for those in low- and middle-income brackets, as well as stronger representation on pension fund boards and in social service associations across the public and private sectors. Healthcare also remained a critical concern. Pensioners demanded not only improved access to quality medical care but also full exemption from costs not covered by the country's basic health insurance systems (AMO and CNOPS). 'Retirees have contributed to the system throughout their working lives,' many argued, 'and should not be forced to shoulder additional expenses for services they rightfully deserve.' The decline of the traditional family model Morocco's aging challenge is not only institutional but also cultural. For generations, elderly Moroccans relied on their families, particularly daughters and daughters-in-law, for care and companionship. Today, that model is increasingly under strain. Urban migration, emigration, women's increased labor force participation, and rising individualism mean that many elderly Moroccans now live alone or in households where traditional care roles are no longer feasible. The assumption that family will always step in to support the elderly is no longer guaranteed. At the same time, there are few viable alternatives. Morocco lacks a strong network of community-based elder care facilities. Public retirement homes are scarce, underfunded, and often stigmatized. Private facilities, where they exist, are expensive and inaccessible to most. The result is a growing number of elderly people, especially women, left in precarious situations. Some rely on the goodwill of neighbors or distant relatives. Others live in isolation, with limited access to social interaction, mobility, or basic assistance. A missing national vision So far, Morocco has not articulated a comprehensive vision for aging. While the government has introduced some pilot programs, such as awareness campaigns, health screenings, and limited income support initiatives, these remain scattered and often confined to major urban centers. A national aging strategy would need to address multiple fronts. It would also require confronting uncomfortable questions: What happens when traditional caregiving roles no longer hold? How can Morocco create an inclusive society for its elders without placing the burden solely on families? Aging is not a crisis in itself, it is a natural outcome of progress. Longer lives reflect better healthcare, education, and living standards. But without planning, this progress can turn into pressure. Morocco's aging wave is inevitable, but its consequences are not. With thoughtful, inclusive, and forward-looking policy, the country can turn this demographic transition into an opportunity to reimagine how society treats its elders. Without bold leadership and a clear national vision, Morocco risks entering this new era unprepared, leaving its elderly citizens adrift in a system that was not designed with them in mind. Whether this 'silver future' becomes a dignified chapter in Morocco's development or a missed opportunity depends on choices made today.


Morocco World
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- Morocco World
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Morocco World
5 hours ago
- Morocco World
At the Edge of the Fabric of Moroccan Identity: The Limits and Promise of Tamaghrabit
In the global tapestry of nations, the Kingdom of Morocco occupies a remarkable position—not as the result of historical disjunction, but as a global culture formed by deep and layered encounters. Positioned on the Atlantic, linked to the interior of Africa, and historically enmeshed with the Mediterranean and Islamic worlds, Morocco has long crafted its identity from a mosaic of plural traditions. At the heart of this national distinctiveness lies a concept both vernacular and cultural: Tamaghrabit (or Tamghribīt ), a term that conveys the affective texture and ethical grammar of 'Moroccanness.' In recent years, Tamaghrabit has gained renewed prominence in Moroccan public discourse. From state institutions to civil society, and from intellectuals to policymakers, the term is increasingly embraced as a homegrown civic ethos—a way of being Moroccan that affirms pluralism, historical continuity, and strategic autonomy in a region often marked by fragmentation and ideological disarray (Bennis 2012; Boussouf 2023; Hashas 2024). Rooted in Morocco's deep historical entanglements—Arab, Amazigh, Andalusian, African, Islamic, Jewish, and Mediterranean— Tamaghrabit is invoked both as a cultural inheritance and as a forward-looking identity project. But is it? Beneath this confident narrative lies a set of unresolved questions. Is Tamaghrabit a genuine civic ethos grounded in lived diversity, or a normative framework that seeks to defuse dissent without addressing deeper structural inequalities and historical omissions? Can a discourse founded on pluralism and exceptionalism avoid the pitfalls of ideological reification? To what extent does invoking Tamaghrabit as a 'civilization' risk lapsing into essentialism? And might Tamaghrabit instead evolve as a generative, critical, and open-ended space of identity-making, rather than a finalized narrative of cultural uniqueness? More than a casual signifier of national identity, Tamaghrabit is framed as a 'civilizational' ethos—a cultivated mode of cultural and political being. It represents an orientation to the world shaped by centuries of entanglement among Amazigh, Arab, African, Andalusian, Islamic, Jewish, and Mediterranean influences. This complex identity found legal and symbolic expression in Morocco's 2011 Constitution, which articulates the nation as forged through the convergence of Arab-Islamic, Amazigh, and Saharan-Hassania roots, nourished by African, Andalusian, Hebraic, and Mediterranean tributaries. At the center of this national tapestry is Islam, whose Moroccan iteration emphasizes openness, moderation, and dialogue—a spiritual and ethical compass that informs both private piety and public life. Yet Tamaghrabit is more than constitutional text; it is a lived practice and cultural grammar, expressed through architecture, cuisine, music, ritual, and the multilingualism of Moroccan society. Arabic and Tamazight share official status, while French, Hebrew, Spanish, Hassania, and Moroccan Arabic ( dārija ) course through everyday life, governance, and intellectual production. This polyphony is not a problem to be solved but a defining feature of Morocco's civilizational grammar—a historical strategy of managing cultural difference not through homogenization, but through what Moroccan thinkers term 'unity in diversity.' This ethos is deeply rooted in Morocco's long-standing state tradition. Since the establishment of the Idrissid dynasty in the late 8th century, Morocco has maintained political autonomy from the great caliphal centers of the Islamic world—the Umayyads in Damascus, the Abbasids in Baghdad, and later the Ottomans. This autonomy gave rise to a distinct model of statecraft, centered on the figure of the Amīr al-Muʾminīn (Commander of the Faithful), which tied political authority to sacred lineage and communal legitimacy. Across successive dynasties—from the Almoravids and Marinids to the Saadians and ʿAlawites—this sovereignty became a cornerstone of Moroccan identity. The process of civilizational fusion matured significantly during the Marinid period (13th–15th centuries), when Moroccan territorial, linguistic, and legal boundaries began to crystallize. Scholars such as Mohammed al-Manouni have shown how institutions of language, law, creed, and scholarship were consolidated during this era, laying the groundwork for what would become the Moroccan personality. Crucially, this identity never rested on exclusionary ethnic foundations. As contemporary scholars affirm, the Arab and Amazigh elements of Moroccan identity are not oppositional but mutually constitutive. Arabness is primarily understood as cultural and linguistic, not ethnic, while Amazighness refers to the indigenous historical and cultural stratum of North Africa, which continues to flourish through cultural revitalization and official recognition (Hashas 2024). The modern articulation of Amazigh identity—evident in the 2011 constitutional recognition of Tamazight and the adoption of the neo-Tifinagh script in 2003—has not undermined national cohesion but rather enriched Morocco's pluralistic ethos. Scholars such as Mohamed Chafik and Hassan Aourid argue that Arabs and Amazighs are not discrete or antagonistic communities, but co-founders of the Moroccan nation and its Islamic civilizational path. This marks a significant epistemic shift from colonial binaries that sought to fragment Moroccan society, toward a postcolonial paradigm that affirms pluralism as foundational. Still, while Tamaghrabit is often celebrated as a framework of cultural pluralism and historical depth, it risks being reified as a coherent and finalized construct. This conceptual closure—reinforced by state narratives and nationalist historiography—can obscure the tensions, hierarchies, and contestations that animate Moroccan plurality. Rather than treating Moroccanness as a stable essence, it is more productive to view it as a site of ongoing negotiation—a dynamic space where cultural, linguistic, political, and epistemic forces interact and reshape one another. This perspective aligns with Lawrence Rosen's Two Arabs, a Berber, and a Jew (2015), which argues that identity in the Moroccan context is not inherited but negotiated—shaped by social adjudication, situational belonging, and interpretive practice. Rosen reveals that Moroccan life is marked by enduring tensions—between Arab and Amazigh identities, Islamic and Jewish legacies, modern and traditional authorities. These are not peripheral but foundational. Despite Morocco's proud motto of 'unity in diversity,' linguistic and religious hierarchies persist. Tamazight still struggles for full institutional parity; Jewish heritage is symbolically acknowledged but politically marginal; and Christian and non-Sunni communities remain largely invisible. Moroccanness , then, is not seamless—it is marked by dissonance between symbolic pluralism and structural inequalities. The late Moroccan sociologist Paul Pascon's concept of the 'composite society' ( société composite ) offers a powerful analytic for these contradictions. Pascon rejected binary models—tribe versus state, tradition versus modernity—that flatten Morocco's complexity. He saw Moroccan society as an overlapping set of social orders—tribal, colonial, capitalist, Islamic—each shaped by historical forces and coexisting in tension. These entanglements produce not harmony but uneven development and contested spaces. Pascon's insights complement Rosen's: identity in Morocco is not fixed but enacted through a continual process of negotiation. It draws on multiple, often conflicting sources—Islamic law, tribal custom, colonial bureaucracy, revolutionary ideologies. The result is not a finished pluralism but a dynamic and fragmented field of becoming, where Moroccanness is continually reshaped and reimagined. These frameworks resonate with Hashas's (2024) tripartite typology of contemporary Moroccan thought— the near , the far , and the other —tracing how Moroccan thinkers engage local traditions, regional connections, and universal values. Rosen's interlocutors live this complexity daily. Their identities draw from Islamic jurisprudence, tribal affiliations, and postcolonial modernity, always negotiated and never settled. In this context, Pascon's société composite provides the structural lens through which these lived negotiations unfold. This ethos of critical dynamism underpins the intellectual tradition of the so-called Rabat School of Thought—a constellation of thinkers who emerged during the French Protectorate and rose to prominence in post-independence Morocco. They articulated a pluralist, reformist, and autonomous epistemology. Positioned at the intellectual 'edge' of Arab, African, Islamic, and Mediterranean civilizations, these thinkers reject both cultural mimicry and ideological rigidity. Their edge is not marginality but vantage—a site of synthesis, critique, and possibility. From this perspective, Moroccan intellectuals confront colonial legacies, critique Arab nationalism, and craft alternatives rooted in the country's cultural ecology. Allal al-Fassi, for example, envisioned Morocco's Atlantic character as both a geopolitical fact and a moral orientation. The Atlantic was not merely geography—it was a horizon of freedom, dialogue, and ethical reform. Morocco, in this view, becomes a nation of the middle way : Sufism animates spiritual life, legal reform coexists with tradition, and intellectual independence is a lived ideal (Hashas 2024). Tamaghrabit , then, might best be understood as 'Moroccan humanism'—an ethos of coexistence, reflection, and civilizational confidence. It is not utopian or parochial, but emergent: forged at the intersection of geography and memory, spirit and aspiration. Yet to realize its potential, we must resist the urge to canonize it. Moroccanness is not a finished identity—it is a palimpsest, a site of becoming, where plural pasts meet uncertain futures. Edward Said's warning against essentialist thinking is instructive here. In 'The Clash of Ignorance' (2001), Said critiques Huntington's thesis of 'civilizational clashes,' rejecting the idea of cultures as fixed, self-contained entities. Civilizations, he argues, are dynamic, porous, and internally contested. Applied to Tamaghrabit , Said's insight reminds us that cultural identity must remain open to negotiation. When framed as essence, Tamaghrabit risks becoming an ideological tool—masking dissent and presenting pluralism as a fait accompli. Morocco's history offers rich resources for reimagining identity today: the migrations of Andalusian refugees and expellees; deep Jewish-Muslim ties; trans-Saharan caravans; Sufi cosmopolitanism; centuries of encounter with Ottoman, European, and American actors. These crossings shaped a Moroccan identity forged in connection, not isolation. If Tamaghrabit is to retain meaning, it must embrace these complexities. Tamaghrabit should not be reduced to a national brand. It should be seen as an ethical compass—a way of being that values pluralism, embraces contradiction, and cultivates reflection. Its power lies not in resolving complexity, but in naming it. To acknowledge the cracks in our society is not to weaken Tamaghrabit —it is to humanize and strengthen it. To speak of Tamaghrabit in the spirit of Edward Said is to reject cultural essentialism. Identity is not timeless essence; it is struggle, memory, and practice. Moroccan pluralism is not a completed project—it is an ongoing labor. Sustaining it requires dialogue, critique, and imagination. The stories of Estevanico of Azemmour—the African explorer who crossed continents and cultures—and Ibn Battuta of Tangier—the indefatigable traveler—remind us that identity is not a destination but a journey. To honor them is not to claim national heroes, but to embrace the labor of border-crossing, tension-holding, and narrative-making. In this light, Tamaghrabit is best seen as a living formation—an evolving bundle of meanings and practices shaped by history, memory, and everyday negotiation. It is not a static identity, but a dynamic process: open-ended, contested, and generative. Its strength lies in its capacity for openness—to hold contradiction, resist closure, and invite continual reinterpretation. As such, Tamaghrabit offers Moroccans a framework for navigating pluralism, questioning orthodoxies, and imagining more inclusive futures. Tags: Arabic and FrenchTamazight