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Taking Recycling Rules to the Next (Federal) Level

Taking Recycling Rules to the Next (Federal) Level

Yahoo05-05-2025

Chellie Pingree cannot imagine throwing perfectly good clothing away. The idea, in fact, is practically anathema to her.
'I come from the state of Maine; I represent Maine,' the Democratic congresswoman said. 'We're a very thrifty, Yankee kind of culture that loves nothing more than buying clothes in a thrift shop, passing down a good wool shirt to a family member or, you know, having your boots resoled. It's second nature to me.'
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Little could prepare her, even as ranking member of the House Appropriations Interior, Environment and Related Agencies Subcommittee, for the knowledge of how much textile waste—from apparel, yes, but also footwear, carpets and household linens—gets landfilled or incinerated in the United States. The Environmental Protection Agency estimates that the amount of textile waste generated by the nation nearly doubled from 9.5 million tons in 2000 to 17 million tons in 2018, the most recent year for which data is available. Of that, only 14.7 percent was recycled.
When Pingree began pitching the idea of a Congressional Slow Fashion Caucus to tackle the onslaught of cheap and low-quality clothing she blames for the trend, her fellow lawmakers initially balked. Still, she kept at it, filling the ranks of what is now a growing coalition.
'People were like, 'Sorry, I don't care about clothes,'' she said. 'But the more I described to both male and female members the volume of clothing we're throwing out, the impact of foreign manufacturing and the impact on the environment, I found that it's a topic that interested people more than they realized. Our government doesn't really have a very good organizational structure for measuring the amount of waste and doing something about it. But it's not to say that we shouldn't.'
That the U.S. government needs to take a heavier hand in tackling the scourge of textile waste is why Pingree led a request to the Government Accountability Office, or GAO, to produce what ended up being hailed as the first federal report on fast-fashion pollution in December. The agency put its findings, titled 'Textile Waste: Federal Entities Should Collaborate on Reduction and Recycling Efforts,' in less sound-bitey terms, but the sentiment still held.
The increasing dominance of fast fashion's high-turnover use-and-dispose business model, GAO said, has ramped up the production of clothing waste. But so has the dearth of centralized systems for collecting, sorting and grading discarded textiles for recycling or to retain their value on the secondhand market.
'It's not only that more textiles are being produced but also that these are fabrics that aren't necessarily of the highest quality, so they're usually not going to be recycled,' said Alfredo Gomez, director at GAO. 'Or they may have synthetic fibers, which also have difficulty, as we learned, in the recycling process.'
The problem is figuring out who's responsible. While that's a perennial issue whenever there are multiple actors in a value chain, the United States is an expansive and fragmented nation governed by a patchwork of federal, regional and local policies. Textiles that are chucked into household trash enter the municipal waste stream, leaving cities and counties to ultimately decide what gets picked up at the curb for processing or recycling. But state leadership also has its say, with Massachusetts banning textiles from disposal or incineration in 2022, California requiring apparel and textile producers to fund and implement a statewide program to reuse, repair and recycle their products by 2026 and both New York and Washington cueing up similar moves of their own.
'Traditionally, waste is managed at the local level, so cities and counties and local government are the ones contracting with the haulers and getting the materials out of people's homes,' said Joanne Brasch, director of policy and outreach at the California Product Stewardship Council, a nonprofit that focuses on extended producer responsibility, better known by the acronym EPR. 'And it gets elevated to the state level when the product is problematic or big enough of a volume that the local government can't figure it out on their own. And that's kind of what happened to textiles. It was just too complicated.'
Brasch would argue that a state approach is preferable because it allows for more transparency and enforcement. At the same time, federal entities are responsible not only for defining national strategies but also for funding research, conducting education and outreach and deploying grants to states, municipalities and other downstream stakeholders. The EPA, for instance, finalized in 2021 a plan to achieve a 50 percent nationwide recycling rate, including for textiles, by leveraging a bipartisan infrastructure deal that earmarked $350 million for solid waste and recycling grants.
The National Institute of Standards and Technology, under the Department of Commerce, developed reference data to help textile sorters who use near-infrared spectroscopy to sort castoff clothing. And the Advanced Materials and Manufacturing Technologies Office, as part of the Department of Energy, funds the Reducing Embodied-energy And Decreasing Emissions manufacturing institute—REMADE for short—and its efforts to bolster textile circularity.
Even so, federal efforts involving textile waste tend to be implemented in isolation, with varying approaches and limited interagency collaboration, the GAO report said. Or, as Gomez put it, 'there's no one in charge.' There's also the fact that information on possible federal funding sources for advancing textile recycling for other stakeholders, including municipalities and nonprofit organizations, is rarely readily accessible.
GAO proposed that the six federal entities it looked at—the EPA, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, the National Science Foundation, the Office of Science and Technology Policy, the Department of State and the Department of Energy—coordinate on their work through an interagency mechanism that 'follows leading practices,' perhaps at the behest and direction of Congress to 'take federal action.'
While the organizations agreed with GAO's findings, they also pushed back at its recommendation to 'form an interagency coordinating group,' which Gomez said wasn't what the report had suggested, since the 'mechanism' could take the form of memorandums of understanding, working groups or charters.
'So that's what we call a partial disagreement,' he said. 'Moving forward, we will be tracking their actions and then updating them on our website. Sometimes Congress holds agencies accountable by holding hearings or wanting to know if the agencies have implemented GAO's recommendations. But we've issued the report to the people that asked for it, so it's now in their hands.'
While states and municipalities can take initial steps to wrestle with the problem of textile waste, any long-term success will be limited without a cohesive federal mandate that pairs harmonized regulation with large-scale incentives, said Rachel Kibbe, CEO of American Circular Textiles, an industry lobbying group that includes reuse, resale and recycling stalwarts such as Circ, ThredUp, The RealReal, Vestiaire Collective and USAgain.
'The fragmented approach we've seen with plastics has demonstrated that state-level policies often struggle to scale effectively, leading to inconsistent enforcement, compliance challenges, consumer confusion and limited infrastructure investment,' she said. 'This is especially true because we see EPR bills starting with our largest economies in the U.S. We are embarking on collecting massive amounts of textiles that we neither have the infrastructure nor the markets to handle yet.'
ACT was behind a provision in the 2024 bill known as the Americas Trade and Investment Act, a.k.a. the Americas Act, that would appropriate more than $14 billion in grants, loans and credits to foster domestic textile circular innovation and development. It's the first-time textile circularity has been considered at this kind of scale, Kibbe said. Tying it with onshoring and nearshoring efforts also taps into the second Trump administration's 'America First' agenda, making it less a matter for partisan debate.
She also supports bills that she wasn't directly involved in, such as the Strategies to Eliminate Waste and Accelerate Recycling Development, or STEWARD, which was introduced in the Senate in February and seeks to improve recycling capabilities across various materials, including textiles. Passing this would shore up the nation's recycling and composting infrastructure in rural and underserved areas and allow greater accessibility and transparency of waste management data.
'Efforts like California's SB 707 and other state efforts are important catalysts, but to drive systemic change, we need federal leadership that aligns policies, streamlines regulations and funds scaleable solutions,' she said. 'This includes incentives for circular design, recycling infrastructure and reshoring textile manufacturing, which will not only address waste but also support economic growth and supply chain resilience.'
For Michelle Gabriel, director of the master's program in sustainable fashion at IE College New York, textile waste is both an issue of responsibility and of infrastructure. Gabriel was a member of a task force that examined how New York City could reduce the environmental impact of the textile-based goods it purchased, used and disposed of based on Local Law 112, which went into effect in 2022.
The law, as far as Gabriel and her team could tell, is the first of its kind within the United States. In a report published in August, they argued that it should be viewed as an 'important foundational step' to advancing textile sustainability and procurement efforts by the city and the broader textile industry.
It was almost immediately, however, that they ran into a singular problem: bad and missing data.
'When we received all the data from the city, it was almost unusable, because there was no material content, among other things,' Gabriel said. 'So we had to develop this risk assessment process based on a combination of what we know generally about textiles globally and what we can infer about practices from each agency's limited descriptions of their textile-based purchases.' This meant everything from uniforms to office carpeting.
What the task force found was that cities have unique opportunities to better manage their environmental and procurement policies by investing in infrastructure that will eventually drive down the costs of those activities, even though the assumptions it made in the absence of 'all those intricacies' mean it would have to home in on each agency or even department to make targeted recommendations, she added. The fact that few end-of-life solutions existed despite how resource intensive and polluting it is to create textiles, particularly in the case of synthetics, however, was a major throughline. And that's something that's going to take everyone at every level to change.
'We need the federal and state governments to enact EPR laws which more equitably redistribute the responsibility of textile waste from exclusively local municipalities to include producing firms,' Gabriel said. 'We need local governments to rethink the costs of and incentives for generating waste within their communities: increasing the costs of landfill tipping fees to fund the currently externalized costs to communities for the management of such unbridled waste and at the same time disincentivize out-of-sight, out-of-mind tossing of 'waste' that comes with laughably low fees. We need local, state and federal governments to aggressively invest in the necessary infrastructure to divert textile waste from landfill for use in more circular economies, which can contribute meaningfully to textile-to-textile recycling and other novel applications.'
There's also the option to not legislate at all, but experts say that leaving it to businesses to come up with solutions on their own without regulatory carrots or sticks may not bear the same results. They include Phil White, co-founder and chief strategy officer at social innovation agency Grounded World, who said that it's 'weirdly enough' more cost-effective to continue to create, take, make and discard, than it is to build a reverse logistics or infrastructure to help promote circularity. What that has also led to is the phenomenon of 'donation dumping' where unwanted garments get shipped off to countries such as Chile or Ghana, where decaying textiles pile up in collapse-prone mounds, clog up waterways or otherwise fuse into the terrain.
'That's the really strange thing: even though everybody understands the need for circularity and everyone sees the value, including many brands that are starting to commercialize resell and reuse, it's still cheaper, to quite a large extent, to stick to the current linear production and send it to a landfill, incinerator or another country than it is to build a reverse supply chain,' he said. 'So that's the nut that we need to crack. That's the tension in the industry right now.'
Congresswoman Pingree, for one, is a fan of EPR and how it puts the responsibility for managing textile waste on its producers. And she intends to pull whatever levers she can find to pass legislation or include language in appropriations bills to push for whatever she can.
'Right now, it's a system where a manufacturer can kind of do anything they want, and then basically the taxpayers, the municipalities have to deal with the waste and the cost of the cleanup,' she said. 'I hope that over time, we're really focusing on how to change the system for many parts of our waste stream, but clothing seems like a prime one.'
This article was published in SJ's Sustainability Report. To download the full report, click here.

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Donald Trump's No Tax On Tips Crusade Could Backfire
Donald Trump's No Tax On Tips Crusade Could Backfire

Newsweek

timean hour ago

  • Newsweek

Donald Trump's No Tax On Tips Crusade Could Backfire

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Ending federal income taxes on tips, one of President Donald Trump's signature campaign pledges in the 2024 election, could potentially backfire as Americans grow weary of tipping, experts have told Newsweek. No tax on tips was something the president said he would enact "first thing" if he won the November election. The idea, launched in the service industry behemoth that is Las Vegas, quickly took hold with the electorate, so much so that his Democratic opponent Kamala Harris was quick to pledge the same relief for tipped workers should she win the White House race. Fast forward 5 months into the second Trump administration, the pledge hasn't yet been enacted, but the idea is certainly beginning to take shape. As part of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Republicans have proposed a new tax deduction on tipped income up to $160,000 while keeping payroll taxes that are used to pay for Social Security and Medicare. Other legislative efforts have also been made. Texas Senator Ted Cruz, along with a bipartisan group of co-sponsors, introduced the No Tax on Tips Act to Congress in January, which would establish a new tax deduction of up to $25,000 for tips, subject to certain restrictions. "Whether it passes free-standing or as part of the bigger bill, one way or another, 'No Tax on Tips' is going to become law and give real relief to hardworking Americans," Cruz said on the Senate floor. The bill passed the chamber in May with support from both parties. Lawmakers are clearly keen on the idea, and the proposal is certainly popular with the American public, too. Polling conducted exclusively for Newsweek by Redfield & Wilton Strategies back in July 2024 showed that 67 percent of Americans do not believe tips given to service workers should be taxed. But the proposal, if enacted, could have some unintended consequences, business experts have told Newsweek. Tipping Culture Fatigue Javier Palomarez, founder and CEO of the United States Hispanic Business Council, told Newsweek the policy could "reinforce tipping in the short term but erode it over time," pointing to a growing phenomenon of tipping fatigue—a weariness among consumers increasingly asked to tip in situations where it wasn't previously expected. A BankRate survey conducted between April and May this year found that 41 percent of Americans believe tipping is "out of control" and that businesses should better compensate their employees instead of relying on gratuities to provide a wage. Thirty-eight percent reported being annoyed with pre-entered tip screens, which are usually used in automated checkouts, particularly in cafes or fast food restaurants. Still, the generosity of many Americans could pull through, at least for a short while. "By framing tips as a tax-free bonus, the policy may temporarily boost the perceived generosity and importance of tipping, encouraging consumers to view it as a more impactful way to support service workers," Palomarez said. Composite image created by Newsweek. Composite image created by Newsweek. Photo-illustration by Newsweek/Getty/Canva But it's unlikely to be straightforward. "Cultural norms around tipping are sticky," he said. "By signaling that tipped workers deserve special tax treatment, the policy may further divide and complicate service industry compensation norms—bolstering tips in some sectors like restaurants while emphasizing reform calls in others like delivery services or app-based platforms. Over time, this could lead to service charges or higher base pay as consumers question tipping." Speaking to Newsweek, Mark Luscombe, principal analyst for Wolters Kluwer's Tax and Accounting Division North America, warned that "the perception that tipped employees have a tax advantage may discourage tipping or at least the same amount of tipping by customers who are fully taxed on their incomes." Pay Boost for Workers While tipping fatigue is certainly on the rise, the pay boost for workers in the service industry is tangible. The Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center has estimated that middle-income households could pocket an extra $1,800 per year under the plan. Joseph Camberato, CEO at emphasized that the policy is not necessarily designed to address tipping culture—for all its pros and cons—at large. "We've all seen those 'tip' prompts at self-checkout machines for things you grabbed off a shelf yourself," Camberato told Newsweek. "This policy doesn't fix that, and honestly, it's not meant to. It's for the 1.8 million restaurant servers who rely on tips to pay their bills. For them, not getting taxed on that income is a big deal. This policy targets the right group and gives them a meaningful raise, basically overnight." He added, "If anything, it's going to help the people who deserve tips the most like servers, bartenders, hospitality workers, walk away with more money. Remember, they usually get taxed 15 to 20 percent on tips. Take that off the table, and it's like giving them a 15 to 20 percent raise. "If you're already a tipper, you're not suddenly going to stop because of this bill. But the person on the other side of the transaction is going to be walking away with more money, and that's the point."

South Dakota is on track to spend $2 billion on prisons in the next decade

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South Dakota is on track to spend $2 billion on prisons in the next decade

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Some Democratic-led states have worked to close prisons and enact changes to lower inmate populations, but that's a tough sell in Republican-majority states such as South Dakota that believe in a tough-on-crime approach, even if that leads to more inmates. For now, state lawmakers have set aside a $600 million fund to replace the overcrowded 144-year-old South Dakota State Penitentiary in Sioux Falls, making it one of the most expensive taxpayer-funded projects in South Dakota history. But South Dakota will likely need more prisons. Phoenix-based Arrington Watkins Architects, which the state hired as a consultant, has said South Dakota will need 3,300 additional beds in coming years, bringing the cost to $2 billion. Driving up costs is the need for facilities with different security levels to accommodate the inmate population. Concerns about South Dakota's prisons first arose four years ago, when the state was flush with COVID-19 relief funds. Lawmakers wanted to replace the penitentiary, but they couldn't agree on where to put the prison and how big it should be. A task force of state lawmakers assembled by Republican Gov. Larry Rhoden is expected to decide that in a plan for prison facilities this July. Many lawmakers have questioned the proposed cost, but few have called for criminal justice changes that would make such a large prison unnecessary. 'One thing I'm trying to do as the chairman of this task force is keep us very focused on our mission,' said Lieutenant Gov. Tony Venhuizen. 'There are people who want to talk about policies in the prisons or the administration or the criminal justice system more broadly, and that would be a much larger project than the fairly narrow scope that we have.' South Dakota's incarceration rate of 370 per 100,000 people is an outlier in the Upper Midwest. Neighbors Minnesota and North Dakota have rates of under 250 per 100,000 people, according to the Sentencing Project, a criminal justice advocacy nonprofit. Nearly half of South Dakota's projected inmate population growth can be attributed to a law approved in 2023 that requires some violent offenders to serve the full-length of their sentences before parole, according to a report by Arrington Watkins. When South Dakota inmates are paroled, about 40% are ordered to return to prison, the majority of those due to technical violations such as failing a drug test or missing a meeting with a parole officer. Those returning inmates made up nearly half of prison admissions in 2024. Sioux Falls criminal justice attorney Ryan Kolbeck blamed the high number of parolees returning in part on the lack of services in prison for people with drug addictions. 'People are being sent to the penitentiary but there's no programs there for them. There's no way it's going to help them become better people,' he said. 'Essentially we're going to put them out there and house them for a little bit, leave them on parole and expect them to do well.' South Dakota also has the second-greatest disparity of Native Americans in its prisons. While Native Americans make up one-tenth of South Dakota's population, they make up 35% of those in state prisons, according to Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit public policy group. Though legislators in the state capital, Pierre, have been talking about prison overcrowding for years, they're reluctant to dial back on tough-on-crime laws. For example, it took repeated efforts over six years before South Dakota reduced a controlled substance ingestion law to a misdemeanor from a felony for the first offense, aligning with all other states. 'It was a huge, Herculean task to get ingestion to be a misdemeanor,' Kolbeck said. Former penitentiary warden Darin Young said the state needs to upgrade its prisons, but he also thinks it should spend up to $300 million on addiction and mental illness treatment. 'Until we fix the reasons why people come to prison and address that issue, the numbers are not going to stop,' he said. Without policy changes, the new prisons are sure to fill up, criminal justice experts agreed. 'We might be good for a few years, now that we've got more capacity, but in a couple years it'll be full again,' Kolbeck said. 'Under our policies, you're going to reach capacity again soon.'

What to know about Trump's deployment of National Guard troops to LA protests

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What to know about Trump's deployment of National Guard troops to LA protests

President Donald Trump says he's deploying 2,000 California National Guard troops to Los Angeles to respond to immigration protests, over the objections of California Gov. Gavin Newsom. It's not the first time Trump has activated the National Guard to quell protests. In 2020, he asked governors of several states to send troops to Washington, D.C. to respond to demonstrations that arose after George Floyd was killed by Minneapolis police officers. Many of the governors he asked agreed, sending troops to the federal district. The governors that refused the request were allowed to do so, keeping their troops on home soil. This time, however, Trump is acting in opposition to Newsom, who under normal circumstances would retain control and command of California's National Guard. While Trump said that federalizing the troops was necessary to 'address the lawlessness' in California, the Democratic governor said the move was 'purposely inflammatory and will only escalate tensions.' Here are some things to know about when and how the president can deploy troops on U.S. soil. Generally, federal military forces are not allowed to carry out civilian law enforcement duties against U.S. citizens except in times of emergency. An 18th-century wartime law called the Insurrection Act is the main legal mechanism that a president can use to activate the military or National Guard during times of rebellion or unrest. But Trump didn't invoke the Insurrection Act on Saturday. Instead, he relied on a similar federal law that allows the president to federalize National Guard troops under certain circumstances. The National Guard is a hybrid entity that serves both state and federal interests. Often it operates under state command and control, using state funding. Sometimes National Guard troops will be assigned by their state to serve federal missions, remaining under state command but using federal funding. The law cited by Trump's proclamation places National Guard troops under federal command. The law says that can be done under three circumstances: When the U.S. is invaded or in danger of invasion; when there is a rebellion or danger of rebellion against the authority of the U.S. government, or when the President is unable to 'execute the laws of the United States,' with regular forces. But the law also says that orders for those purposes 'shall be issued through the governors of the States.' It's not immediately clear if the president can activate National Guard troops without the order of that state's governor. Notably, Trump's proclamation says the National Guard troops will play a supporting role by protecting ICE officers as they enforce the law, rather than having the troops perform law enforcement work. Steve Vladeck, a professor at the Georgetown University Law Center who specializes in military justice and national security law, says that's because the National Guard troops can't legally engage in ordinary law enforcement activities unless Trump first invokes the Insurrection Act. Vladeck said the move raises the risk that the troops could end up using force while filling that 'protection' role. The move could also be a precursor to other, more aggressive troop deployments down the road, he wrote on his website. 'There's nothing these troops will be allowed to do that, for example, the ICE officers against whom these protests have been directed could not do themselves,' Vladeck wrote. The Insurrection Act and related laws were used during the Civil Rights era to protect activists and students desegregating schools. President Dwight Eisenhower sent the 101st Airborne to Little Rock, Arkansas, to protect Black students integrating Central High School after that state's governor activated the National Guard to keep the students out. George H.W. Bush used the Insurrection Act to respond to riots in Los Angeles in 1992 after the acquittal of white police officers who were videotaped beating Black motorist Rodney King. National Guard troops have been deployed for a variety of emergencies, including the COVID pandemic, hurricanes and other natural disasters. But generally, those deployments are carried out with the agreements of the governors of the responding states. In 2020, Trump asked governors of several states to deploy their National Guard troops to Washington, D.C. to quell protests that arose after George Floyd was killed by Minneapolis police officers. Many of the governors agreed, sending troops to the federal district. At the time, Trump also threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act for protests following Floyd's death in Minneapolis – an intervention rarely seen in modern American history. But then-Defense Secretary Mark Esper pushed back, saying the law should be invoked 'only in the most urgent and dire of situations.' Trump never did invoke the Insurrection Act during his first term. But while campaigning for his second term, he suggested that would change. Trump told an audience in Iowa in 2023 that he was prevented from using the military to suppress violence in cities and states during his first term, and said if the issue came up again in his next term, 'I'm not waiting.' Trump also promised to deploy the National Guard to help carry out his immigration enforcement goals, and his top adviser Stephen Miller explained how that would be carried out: Troops under sympathetic Republican governors would send troops to nearby states that refuse to participate, Miller said on 'The Charlie Kirk Show,' in 2023. After Trump announced he was federalizing the National Guard troops on Saturday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said other measures could follow. Hegseth wrote on the social media platform X that active duty Marines at Camp Pendleton were on high alert and would also be mobilized 'if violence continues.'

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