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The Hill
an hour ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Rahm Emanuel flirts with Democratic run for the White House
While Democrats search for a new party leader, one old name keeps coming up in conversation: Rahm Emanuel. The Democrat has been an investment banker, congressman, White House chief of staff, Chicago mayor, and U.S. ambassador to Japan, and now he's been thinking about adding another title to his long resume: president. There's just one problem: 'As well-known as he is, people don't really know him,' said former Rep. Steve Israel (D-N.Y.), who is in touch with his former House colleague. Still, Israel and other Democrats familiar with Emanuel, 65, say it would be unwise to count him out. After all, Democrats say there aren't many people on the list of potential candidates who can raise money and organize better than Emanuel, who helped run the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee in 2006 and was credited with flipping the House back to Democrats in that cycle. 'What fascinates me about him is that for him it's all about winning,' Israel said. 'And he knows how to win the most challenging of battles.' Emanuel hasn't made a decision about whether he'll run for president and the Democratic nomination. Sources close to him say he's still making up his mind while consulting with his family (including his brother Ari Emanuel, the Hollywood mega agent) and other key Democratic allies. But he is already leaving breadcrumbs about a potential run, including making an appearance at the all-important stop for any Democrat with big political aspirations: the September fish fry in Iowa. He has also signed a contributor contract with CNN and has hit the speaking circuit. 'I am in training,' Emanuel told the hosts of 'The View' earlier this month, not hiding his intentions. 'I don't know if I'll make the Olympics.' In the meantime, since leaving his post as ambassador to Japan under the Biden administration, he has been making the rounds and offering his blunt assessments of the state of the Democratic Party. In an interview with The Wall Street Journal this week, he called the Democratic brand 'toxic' and 'weak and woke.' 'I'm tired of sitting in the back seat when somebody's gunning it at 90 miles an hour for a cliff,' Emanuel told the Journal in the interview. 'If you want the country to give you the keys to the car, somebody's got to be articulating an agenda that's fighting for America, not just fighting for [President] Trump.' (Those who have spoken to him in recent months say in typical Emanuel fashion he's even more candid in private about how pathetic the current state of the party is and how rudderless its leadership is.) In regular columns in The Washington Post, he has also been giving Democrats advice on how to reemerge from the so-called wilderness. 'Yes, we should oppose the MAGA agenda at every turn. But given that we control neither the bully pulpit nor any congressional gavel, we need to focus foremost on what's winnable: next year's midterm elections,' Emanuel wrote in a column earlier this month. 'Our task is to help the public understand what the Republicans are doing and how it affects them.' Those who know Emanuel — whom one Democrat described as a 'whip smart bulldog' — say he meets the moment. 'No one — and I mean no one — is feistier than Rahm,' one major Democratic bundler said. 'He can land punches like no other, and he would be Trump's worst enemy. 'He'd know exactly what to say not only to bust his chops but to live in his head,' the bundler said. 'That's exactly what we need right now. There's a huge void there.' The bundler also predicted that few people could raise as much money as Emanuel, something that would give him an automatic advantage in what is expected to be the most crowded presidential field in modern history. 'He would start from a position of strength,' the bundler said. But one Democratic strategist said Emanuel's record — particularly as mayor of Chicago — could be a thorn in his side. 'His record as mayor of Chicago is absolutely something that I would expect to be used against him,' the strategist said. 'He carries a lot of unresolved baggage from that tenure.' And what might hurt him even more is that he's been around the block and Democrats could be wanting to kick the establishment to the curb. 'Less of a commentary on Rahm, it's very likely that the moment is going to call for Democrats to make a clean break with the past and with the status quo,' the strategist said. 'One big hurdle for him is that he is both.' But Israel said Emanuel offers the electorate a broad range of dimensions. 'Trump wins because he organized MAGA, but Rahm always wins because he organizes mega, He puts together progressives and [moderate] Blue Dogs. He knows how to win these coalitions,' Israel said, referencing the caucus of centrist Democrats. The strategist has some doubts. 'This is a guy who used to do that,' the strategist said. 'But we live in a different era.' Amie Parnes covers the White House and presidential politics for The Hill. She is also the co-author of several bestsellers, including the recent 'Fight: Inside the Wildest Battle for the White House.'


USA Today
an hour ago
- Politics
- USA Today
Exploring the gulf between Martin Luther King Jr. and Donald Trump in divided nation
Exploring the gulf between Martin Luther King Jr. and Donald Trump in divided nation Show Caption Hide Caption Martin Luther King III on MLK Day: 'We have a lot of work to do' The 2025 inauguration falls on the same day as MLK Day this year. Martin Luther King III reflects on the state of the nation. When news broke that Donald Trump had been the target of an assassination attempt at a campaign rally last summer, Martin Luther King Jr.'s son was among the voices that decried the violence. "Political violence has no place in our society and country," Martin Luther King III wrote in a post on X. "It undermines the foundations of our democracy." 'This is America': For more stories on race and justice in America, sign up for USA TODAY's newsletter The second child of the country's most prominent civil rights icon knows all too well the cost of political violence. When he was 10, his father was murdered on a Tennessee balcony and became part of a group of leaders, activists and Democratic politicians, assassinated in the 1960s. 'If President Kennedy and Medgar Evers and Malcolm X, Dad and Robert Kennedy had lived, we would be on a totally different trajectory,' King said. 'These were people who were all cut down at a very critical time, not just in our nation, but in terms of where they were moving toward.' Last July, Trump sustained an injury when the would-be assassin's bullet grazed his ear. He went on to win the election and resume the presidency. He shared his 2025 Inauguration Day with Martin Luther King Jr., whose life and legacy are celebrated each January with a federal holiday. Yet King has said there is a great gulf between his father and the president. He lamented the country's current trajectory in an interview with USA TODAY. 'By and large, in our nation, there is a goodness, a righteousness, a desire to care about our fellow human being,' King said. 'We're on a course that appears to be temporarily out of kilter. We must, at some point, make a course correction.' 'What can each of us do?' Martin Luther King Jr. often spoke of creating 'the beloved community,' a society in which 'men can live together without fear,' as he wrote in a 1966 essay. Today, his 67-year-old son says building that community is a crucial and ongoing effort. He has a dedicated partner in his wife, Arndrea Waters King, president of the Drum Major Institute, a nonprofit founded by Martin Luther King Jr. in 1961. The pair launched the Realize the Dream initiative last year, a national movement with a goal of inspiring 100 million hours of service by January 2029. King and Waters King, together with brothers Marc and Craig Kielburger, released a book titled 'What is My Legacy?' and an accompanying podcast called 'My Legacy.' The Kings sat for a video interview with USA TODAY on May 19, a follow-up to conversations with the publication in 2024 in the lead up to a contentious presidential election. In August, Waters King told USA TODAY she felt the country was 'frighteningly divided.' Four months into Trump's second term, she said that is still the case. Opinion: Martin Luther King Jr. was murdered 57 years ago. America still needs his wisdom. 'When you think about most immigrants that are frightened, in some cases for children to go to school. Schools, churches, hospitals – those should all be safe places and times,' Waters King said. 'Whenever you start othering people, taking out their humanity, then we're going down a slippery slope.' Amid strife, King said he looks to the example set by his father, who faced threats to his life throughout the years of his political activism. In 1958, during a book signing in New York City, Martin Luther King Jr. was stabbed by Izola Curry, a woman later diagnosed with schizophrenia. 'After he was stabbed,' King said of his father, 'he still came back and advocated for forgiveness, for challenging us to create a better climate.' 'So,' he added, 'I guess what I'm saying is, I'm sure many people are concerned about the potential of political violence. But we need to reflect on, well, what do we do so that political violence does not manifest and come to fruition? What can each of us do?' In the public eye Days into his new term, President Trump signed an executive order calling for government files related to the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy and King Jr. to be released 'without delay.' The King family has objected to the release, saying they want a chance to review files before they become public. JFK files released: Here's what they say about the former president's assassination Descendants of the civil rights icon have declined to speak in interviews, including this recent sit-down with USA TODAY, on their concerns about the files. They have said it is a deeply personal subject. When asked how he feels broadly about the lifelong spotlight that came as a result of his father's prominence, King told USA TODAY, 'It's my life. This is what I know.' 'Certainly, it's always easier to navigate through life without having recognition,' he continued. 'But I'm grateful, really, for the opportunity to foster this amazing legacy that we have. And probably more grateful and thankful that we have a daughter that wants to be engaged, is engaged.' King and Waters King have one daughter, Yolanda Renee King, 17, named after King's late sister. Legacy is the throughline in the Kings' work, as they look past the next four years and even generations ahead. In considering how they hope to be remembered, both said they are steadily building on a foundation set by King's mother and father. 'We all have a legacy. We all have a voice,' Waters King said. 'It's literally about what we do, how we build our lives every day.'


NBC News
an hour ago
- Politics
- NBC News
A growing number of lawmakers are looking to ditch Washington for the governor's mansion
WASHINGTON — It's not unusual for popular, term-limited governors to try to keep their political careers going by running for the Senate. It's much less common for senators to eye the governor's mansion in their home states. But this election cycle could potentially see three sitting senators running for governor — something that hasn't happened in modern history. GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville, a former Auburn University football coach, opted against seeking a second Senate term and launched his 2026 bid for Alabama governor Tuesday. That came after Democratic Sen. Michael Bennet, who has served in the Senate for 16 years and briefly ran for president in 2020, announced his gubernatorial campaign last month. And in Tennessee, Republican Sen. Marsha Blackburn has said she is seriously considering a bid for governor. Plus, on the other side of the Capitol, there are at least a dozen current members of the House who are already running or weighing a run for governor. For members of Congress, trading the partisan gridlock of Washington — and the status of being one of 100, or one of 435 — for the top executive post in their home states can prove extremely alluring. 'Being in the Senate is an honor, and it's a good job, it's important. But I just think anybody you talk to who's been a governor and a senator is going to tell you, being governor is really the best job,' said Republican Sen. John Hoeven, who served as North Dakota governor from 2000 to 2010 before winning a Senate seat. 'You're the CEO. You set your agenda. You can work to effectuate it,' he added. 'For all those reasons, I think that's why people, given a choice, would want that job first.' In making his announcement on Fox News this week, Tuberville said the best way he can help Alabama — and the country — is from the governor's mansion. 'I'm a football coach. I'm a leader. I'm a builder. I'm a recruiter, and we're going to grow Alabama,' Tuberville said. 'We're going to bring manufacturing to the state. We're going to stop this illegal immigration. We're going to make education better again, and we're going to do everything possible to make sure our kids — when they graduate in this great state, the Yellowhammer State — that they stay in this state and work.' Former governors club Historically, it's been much more common for sitting or former governors to run for the Senate, in part because governors often face term limits. According to an analysis by the political site Ballotpedia, 54 governors or ex-governors have run for the Senate since 1986. Senators only face re-election every six years and are not bound by term limits. There are currently a dozen sitting senators who have served as governors of their states: Maggie Hassan and Jeanne Shaheen, both New Hampshire Democrats; Tim Kaine and Mark Warner, both Virginia Democrats; John Hickenlooper, D-Colo.; Angus King, I-Maine; Jim Justice, R-W.V.; Pete Ricketts, R-Neb., Jim Risch, R-Idaho; Mike Rounds, R-S.D.; Rick Scott, R-Fla.; and Hoeven of North Dakota. Informally, they make up a former governors club, a bipartisan group that periodically gets together for dinner. 'There's a camaraderie there, no question,' Hoeven said. 'By nature, governors are more bipartisan because you got to work with your legislators to get something done. You got to work with both sides." He described serving in the Senate as being in a roomful of lawyers, while being governor is like being CEO of a company. "As a senator — Republican or Democrat — you're more of an advocate for your point of view, whereas as governor, you've got to bring people together," Hoeven said. By contrast, just more than a dozen sitting or former senators have run for governor since 1986, Ballotpedia found. In 2024, then-Sen. Mike Braun, a Republican and former business executive, successfully ran for governor in Indiana, while former Sen. Kelly Ayotte, another Republican, won the governor's race in New Hampshire. And in 2018, two former senators ran for governor: Republican Mike DeWine, a Republican, won in Ohio, while Democrat Mark Begich lost in Alaska. In 2015, then-Sen. David Vitter, a Republican, lost the governor's race in Louisiana. The last time there were at least three current or former senators running for governor was 2010, with then-Sen. Sam Brownback, R-Kansas, and former Sens. Lincoln Chafee, I-R.I., and Mark Dayton, D-Minn., all winning their races. Then-Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, R-Texas, lost her gubernatorial primary to incumbent Rick Perry that year. Why governors run for the Senate Eric Ostermeier, a research fellow at the University of Minnesota, cited several factors that might explain why more governors tend to run for Senate, rather than the other way around. Most plainly, he said, there are twice as many senators as there are governors, giving politicians more chances to get elected to the Senate than to a governor's mansion. Additionally, it may be easier for governors to successfully run for Senate because they've spent their careers focused on local and state-level politics, and tend to be popular. Those who've spent their political careers in Washington may be more polarizing to voters. 'Once a politician is elected to D.C., it can be much more challenging for that senator, for example, to shed their association with the national party,' Ostermeier said. 'It's more difficult to come back home and run for governor with clean partisan hands or, or [to] present yourself as a type of Democrat [or Republican] that is different than the national party.' Ostermeier pointed to two former governors-turned-senators — Mitt Romney, a Utah Republican who was once governor of Massachusetts, and Joe Manchin, a Democrat who served West Virginia as governor and later in the Senate — as figures who tried to buck their party in the Senate and were often met with criticism. Manchin, who at the tail end of his career left the Democratic Party and registered as an independent, once quipped to GQ in a 2018 interview: 'My worst day as governor was better than my best day as senator.' But governors often make prime recruits for Senate campaigns. Even this year, Georgia GOP Gov. Brian Kemp's decision not to run for Senate was seen as a blow to his party's chances of winning a competitive Senate race next year. And Democrats are holding out hope that former Gov. Roy Cooper and current Gov. Janet Mills will enter Senate races in North Carolina and Maine, respectively. According to Ostermeier's analysis, since 2000, there have been eight U.S. senators who later went on to be elected governor, while 20 governors went on to be elected to the U.S. Senate. And, he added, of the 12 senators since 1990 who have gone on to win gubernatorial races in their states, half of them have had a break between the end of their Senate terms and the start of their gubernatorial campaigns. It's "like a cooling off period,' Ostermeier said. 'They were able to disassociate themselves" from their national party. The House springboard to governor The House has proven to be a much more common springboard to the governor's mansion, and that's been no exception this election cycle. Two New Jersey Democrats, Reps. Mikie Sherrill and Josh Gottheimer, are competing in next month's gubernatorial primary in the state. In the other major 2025 race this fall, former Rep. Abigail Spanberger is the Democrats' de facto nominee in Virginia. A bevy of sitting House members have already launched 2026 campaigns for governor, including Reps. Byron Donalds, R-Fla.; Randy Feenstra, R-Iowa; Andy Biggs, R-Ariz.; and John James, R-Mich. And several more on considering gubernatorial bids, such as Reps. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y.; Michael Lawler, R-N.Y.; Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga.; Nancy Mace, R-S.C.; John Rose, R-Tenn.; and Tom Tiffany, R-Wis. 'I've never met a former governor who doesn't miss being a governor,' said Sen. Kevin Cramer, R-N.D., who briefly looked at a possible gubernatorial bid last year after incumbent Doug Burgum said he wouldn't seek re-election. A House member, Republican Kelly Armstrong, ended up winning. Unlike members of Congress, Cramer said, governors don't have to hop on planes or trains to Washington each week and can spend more time with their families. 'You can sleep in your own bed every night,' he said.

Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Politics
- Miami Herald
College Uncovered: Apprentices of the World, Unite!
Is the four-year college degree losing its grip on Americans' dreams? Just as American colleges reach the demographic cliff - a steep decline in the number of 18-year-old prospective freshmen - higher education faces mounting pressure from all sides. President Donald Trump has targeted universities, slashing federal research funding and questioning their tax-exempt status – painting them as overpriced and out-of-touch bastions of liberalism. But skepticism about college isn't just coming from the right. On the campaign trail, Democratic nominee Kamala Harris called out the country's narrow focus on four-year degrees, urging more support for apprenticeships and technical programs. The public seems to agree. A growing number of Americans - nearly a third - now say they have little or no confidence in college. That's up more than 20 percentage points from a decade ago. Employers and states desperate for talent are dropping degree requirements for certain entry-level positions. So in this episode of College Uncovered, co-hosts Kirk Carapezza and Jon Marcus look at the growing number of alternative pathways to good jobs. They explain that, while apprenticeship and internship are preeminent among these, there arne't enough of them to meet demand. Whether you're a student, parent, or just interested in the future of higher education or the American economy, this final episode of our season explains what comes next. [Jacqueline Rivera] It was a little bit far away, so I couldn't really realistically get there. [Kirk] And there was an even bigger issue faced by many college students. [Jacqueline Rivera] It was way out of my budget. [Kirk] So she tried a nearby community college, but she ended up dropping out. Health care just didn't feel like the right fit. Unemployed, she remembered how much she loved tinkering on her dad's old Ford Explorer. [Jacqueline Rivera] As a kid, I've always wondered how cars work, and just really wanting to learn about the intricacies, how things are put back together. [Kirk] Now, at 25 years old, she's preparing for a career without taking the traditional path through college. She's one of the only women in this new automotive technology apprenticeship program. It's one of countless routes to a good job that don't require a traditional college education. Even some employers are on board, dropping college degree requirements on new job postings. [Jacqueline Rivera] It just makes a lot more sense. I'm still learning the theory and everything while I'm in school, but I'm also able to have time to work in a dealership and learn from the people that have already been there and have already been in that field for many years. [Kirk] This is College Uncovered, from GBH News and The Hechinger Report, a podcast pulling back the ivy to reveal how colleges really work. I'm Kirk Carapezza with GBH … [Jon] … and I'm Jon Marcus of The Hechinger Report. [Kirk] Colleges don't want you to know how they operate. So GBH … [Jon] … in collaboration with The Hechinger Report, is here to show you. Today on the podcast: 'Apprentices of the World, Unite!' [Kirk] So, Jon, something you and I talk about a lot is whether the four-year college degree is kind of losing its grip on the American dream. Right now, just as colleges face a dramatic drop in traditional-age 18-year-olds - that's the demographic cliff we've been exploring all season - it seems higher education is getting hit from every single direction. [Jon] Yeah, including from the top. President Donald Trump has targeted universities, questioned their tax-exempt status, and portrayed them as expensive and out of touch. He slashed billions in federal research funding and said Harvard's grants ought to go to trade schools instead. [Kirk] College leaders and the left disagree, and they're fighting this in and out of court. But there is political consensus on one issue surrounding higher ed: that a four-year degree is not the only route to a career. [Kamala Harris] Good evening, Pennsylvania! [Kirk] Here's Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris at a campaign stop. [Kamala Harris] For far too long, our nation has encouraged only one path to success: a four-year college degree. Our nation needs to recognize the value of other paths, additional paths such as apprenticeships and technical programs. [Kirk] During the campaign, Harris pledged to double the number of apprenticeships. [Jon] Yeah, Kirk, at a time when American politicians can't agree on much, this is actually one area where there's real bipartisan agreement. Remember, Trump pushed apprenticeships hard in his first term. Now, back in the Oval Office, he used his signature big black Sharpie to sign another of his many executive orders - this time aiming to create a million new apprenticeships and boost workforce training, even as his administration cut funding for them. [Kirk] And it turns out the public likes the idea of having alternatives to colleges. Fewer Americans are choosing college straight out of high school. Perhaps that's because 77 percent of adults say college is unaffordable, and many are questioning what they're getting for their money. Nearly 80 percent of recent graduates say they learned more in their first six months on the job than during their entire four years of college. [Jon] Yeah. Meanwhile, employers across the country, desperate for skilled workers - they're starting to drop degree requirements for some entry-level jobs. [Kirk] There are a lot of new options now, Jon. Trouble is, if you're a student or a parent trying to help your kid figure out what comes after high school, that can make the process even more confusing than it was before. So where does that leave you? This is our final episode in our season all about the demographic cliff. So as we stand on the edge of it, we're looking at alternative pathways. And we're asking what happens if and when the four-year college degree is no longer the default. We'll also dig into why the U.S. lags behind other advanced countries in offering internships and apprenticeships, and what that means for students, and for colleges. [Jon] And, of course, as always, we'll ask the biggest consumer-facing questions for families right now: Should you or your kid consider something other than the traditional four-year college degree? [Kirk] Okay, Jon, this podcast is all about college. But the truth is, college isn't the only way to a good job anymore. More Americans are turning to apprenticeships and paid internships as a more affordable and direct path into the workforce. But here's the problem: Demand is outstripping supply, and colleges and employers have been pretty slow to catch up. Right now there are more students looking for these opportunities than there are slots to fill. Jon, listen to this: The U.S. Department of Labor says there are about 680,000 registered apprentices nationwide. [Jon] Right, and that sounds like a lot. [Kirk] It does, but that's less than half a percent of the total U. S. workforce. Compare that to more than 19 million Americans who are enrolled in college - though that total is down from its peak in 2010. And even with historically low unemployment, students are still struggling to get work experience and earn a living wage. Nationwide, more than eight million college students say they want internships, but only about three million actually land one. [Brandon Busteed] We've got a big gap between supply and demand here right now. [Kirk] Brandon Busteed has seen that gap up close. He's CEO of the company BrandEd, which focuses on industry experiences for students. [Brandon Busteed] And we do that through Sotheby's Institute of Art, Vogue College of Fashion, Manchester City Sports Business School and the School of The New York Times. [Kirk] Here's one of its ads. [sound of BrandEd ad] My instructor was an editor at Vogue. Like, that was incredible. … Going out into the streets of New York, and you're seeing where the industry takes place for real. … In the heart of the art market and the art world, you just learn hands-on and from experts who really know what they're talking about. [Kirk] And these are internships or apprenticeships? [Brandon Busteed] It's kind of a unique twist to internships and apprenticeships. As you know, those have some pretty specific nuances and definitions. What we've tried to do is take a lot of the value of those models and scale it for students and scale up more consistently around the quality. So all the programs we do are co-designed and co-taught by industry experts who are in their fields, and by educational experts. [Kirk] Before launching his company, Busteed was at Gallup, where he advised college presidents,and he surveyed thousands of students and graduates. He says colleges saw the demographic cliff coming from a mile away, and still didn't do enough to adapt and respond to what students were demanding: more work-based learning. [Brandon Busteed] It's a classic case of what I call higher ed hubris. You ask CFOs of colleges and universities what they think the prospectus is for the sector in the next five or 10 years. Most of them think it's going to be really bad, really ugly, really disastrous, but then you go, 'Oh, well, how do you think your own institution is going to do?' And they're, like, 'Yeah, we're going to be just fine.' [Kirk] But now, the sector is beginning to realize that things are definitely not going to be just fine. Colleges desperate for students keep discounting heavily, but at the same time, sticker prices at the most selective schools keep going up. At Vanderbilt University, total costs are now estimated at nearly $100,000 a year, just as students have more viable alternatives. [Brandon Busteed] Corporate routes where I can get my college degree while I'm working, companies that will train me and pay me to train and a whole host of third parties who are doing intensive short-form training that's leading to pretty darn good jobs, high-paying jobs, jobs that pay family-sustaining wages. [Jon] The demographic cliff - that decline in the number of 18-year-olds - it doesn't only affect colleges. It affects employers, too. In some states, they're begging for workers. Take Maine, for instance. Its population is the oldest in the country. That makes it a sort of a canary in the coal mine. It has lots of retirees and not enough workers, like the whole country is about to experience. So Maine is investing in apprenticeships and internships. Those can get workers into jobs faster and more cheaply than college can, in industries like aquaculture. [Kirk] Aqua what? [Jon] Aquaculture, Kirk. Clearly, you're not from Maine. That's the breeding and harvesting of fish and shellfish. We learned about knot-tying, some boating safety skills, a lot about commercial fishing and how it's managed, how market prices are set, a lot about Maine fishing. [Jon] That's a video promoting the Aquaculture Pioneers Program, just one of several workforce initiatives run by an organization called Educate Maine. Hannah Greene manages workforce partnerships for the nonprofit. [Hannah Greene] We have high school students. We have students that are starting college, or finishing up their college experience. We have participants that have been out of college for many, many years. So it's really a broad range of folks that are interested in marine science, but want that hands-on, real-world work experience in an industry that's really growing. [Jon] Greene says Educate Maine is working across the state to connect students, schools and employers. [Hannah Greene] So we have programs from aquaculture to automotive to health care, banking and finance, IT, a lot of your typical trades, carpentry, construction, HVAC. We really run the gamut. [Jon] And students can earn certifications and credentials from the Maine Department of Labor. They're recognized nationally. Maine recently hit a record number of apprentices - just over 3,000. Hannah Greene admits that's still small, even in a state with a fairly small population. But at least it's growing. [Hannah Greene] The more work experience and experiential learning programs that we can provide for Mainers, especially younger Mainers, the more we're building the foundation of Maine's future economy. And businesses really thrive with a steady stream of trained workers. [Kirk] Now, Jon, remember what we said earlier: 80 percent of recent grads say they're learning more in the first six months on the job than they did in their entire four-year college experience. [Jon] That's a great advertisement for apprenticeship. [Kirk] It is, Jon, but other countries are far ahead of us here. The U.K. and Australia have eight times more apprenticeships per capita than we do. So we reached out to Vinz Koller. He's a vice president with Jobs for the Future, a national nonprofit focused on education and the workforce. Koller grew up in Switzerland, a country known for its apprenticeship system. It's kind of like the global gold standard. Two thirds of young people there go into what's called the dual pathway system, and one third take the academic route. [Vinz Koller] What we notice, you know, when you grow up there, is that, you know, the kids that go the work-based learning pathway have more money, right from the get-go. They are the ones that graduate from the bicycle to a moped and later from a moped to a motorcycle and then from a motorcycle to a car, and we're still, you know, on our bicycle going through university education. And that's an interesting, you know, shift in perception right there, right? So it doesn't have that stigma. [Jon] That stigma, that hands-on training is something less than - that's a big hurdle in the U.S. But remember, Abraham Lincoln didn't go to law school. He apprenticed. But over time, our system shifted toward going to college, rather than learning on the job. [Kirk] Some states have pushed back on that idea. Back in the 1990s, Wisconsin launched youth apprenticeships for high schoolers. And since 2015, others, like North and South Carolina, Indiana, Colorado, Washington and Maryland have all followed suit. While the national system is still fragmented, Kohler says demand from families is high. [Vinz Koller] Do you want to spend $50,000 on your education, perhaps, a year if you're in a private school, or do you want to make $20,000 to $50,000 a year while you're learning? That's a pretty easy answer, I think, for most people. [Kirk] Right now, Kohler says, even though the opportunities are there, it's too hard for students and families to find them, and it's too hard for employers to convert into an apprenticeship model. [Jon] So what needs to change? [Kirk] Well, Kohler says the federal government needs to cut all the red tape and just make it easier to launch apprenticeships. And then states need to expand them beyond the trades like construction and manufacturing to fields like accounting, healthcare and even journalism. [Vinz Koller] We have to broaden it from, you know, the hardhat trades to the white-collar industries. And we have to make it easier for companies to start up apprenticeships. [Kirk] That's exactly what administrators are trying to do at Franklin Cummings Tech in Boston, where they've launched that automotive tech apprenticeship program. Aisha Francis is the president. [Aisha Francis] The foundation of this institution was based in access to apprenticeship. [Kirk] The school was founded thanks to a gift from one of America's original apprentices - Benjamin Franklin. Back then, it was printmaking and candle-making. Today, it's cars, construction and tech. That means you can apprentice to be a software engineer or an eye-care specialist. Francis herself majored in English, and she admits, for a long time, most academics and college leaders didn't want to associate higher education with job training. But now colleges are desperate for students, and they're joining in on the apprenticeship fad. [Aisha Francis] Apprenticeships don't necessarily have anything to do with college, but what we're doing that's different here is embedding the apprenticeship process with the degree-seeking process. So apprenticeship degrees becomes a mechanism by which college becomes more relevant and interesting and exciting. [Kirk] And why is it so important to have the degree with the apprenticeship? [Aisha Francis] Because for the population of students that we serve, most of whom are first-generation college students, many of whom are low income, there is a pride of attainment with a degree. And I don't think we should continue to force youth to make a choice between pursuing technical education or trade education and going to college. And so it behooves us to find innovative ways for people to do both at the same time. [Kirk] And as we approach the demographic cliff, everyone we talked to for this episode agreed. More schools will add apprenticeship degree programs as yet another new way to attract students. Why aren't people banging down these doors? [Aisha Francis] Well, people are banging down our doors. I think the perception might be that people aren't banging down the doors, but they are. [Kirk] Enrollment is up at Franklin Cummings Tech, from about 550 four years ago to more than 1,000 today. [Aisha Francis] And our goal is to be at 1,500. And we hope that the vast majority of those 1,500 students are taking advantage of apprenticeship and work-based learning opportunities. [Kirk] Right now, Franklin Cummings Tech offers 10 apprenticeship degree programs. Francis tells me three have wait lists. One of those is automotive tech. Over two years, students in the program log 2,000 hours in a registered apprenticeship. They're paid to learn, getting real hands-on experience and a clear path to a career. Jacqueline Rivera, who we met at the beginning of this episode, is one of those students. She works 32 hours a week at a Subaru dealership - perhaps working on your car, dear podcast listener. And then she spends another 10 hours in class, earning her associate degree. [Jacqueline Rivera] You get to learn the theory, but you also are hands-on. We have a lot of labs and we get that time to go over the theory and kind of put ourselves to work. And then with this apprenticeship, it will kind of be kind of like a real-world experience. And, you know, I'll be at a dealership doing this stuff and applying myself. [Kirk] And that means she'll graduate with no debt and the skills, she hopes, to get a good job. [Jon] Okay, so with this whole debate about the value of college, what should students and families actually do? Should you or your kid go the traditional two- or four-year college route or start looking into apprenticeships and other alternative paths? [Kirk] It's a great question, and one that we get all the time. I asked Vinz Kohler from Jobs for the Future what we should tell people, and he told me, don't lock into just any one track, and then see what fits your needs and your interests. So if you're in high school, talk to your teachers and guidance counselors, and ask if any apprenticeship degree programs already exist in your area. [Vinz Kohler] This is not available everywhere yet, but it's the kind of movie that's coming to a theater near you. I think that is almost certain and in almost all parts of the country [Kirk] Until then, keep your options open. Ask questions and talk to your family. [Vinz Kohler] We saw in North Carolina, for example, and in South Carolina, how, you know, they started offering this, first time around, 10 parents show up, next time around 100 parents show up because they hear, 'Oh, wow, this is cool. You know, I might have my kid earn some money as opposed to just being a cost center in my household.' [Kirk] Okay, now, college's staunchest defenders point out there are still millions of jobs in this country that require four-year degrees, and higher ed leaders like Raj Vinnakota with the Institute for Citizens and Scholars says yes, we need to get young people ready for a career, but going to college also prepares students to contribute to society. [Raj Vinnakota] How do we engage and prepare our students to be able to effectively engage in self-government? And how do we, as institutions of higher education, engage in our democracy? And frankly, we've kind of moved away from that and we need to bring that back in balance. [Kirk] So, Jon, what do you make of that argument, and what are you going to be watching as this debate over the value of college continues? [Kirk] Well, there's a couple of important statistics to keep in mind. There's still 58 million jobs in the United States that do require a college degree. So it's not exactly black and white. Also, as you mentioned earlier, there is a lot more demand for apprenticeships than there is a supply of them. So it's going to be really hard to scale up these programs fast enough for everyone to get apprenticeships. [Kirk] So do you think that the best way to get this combination of the demographic cliff and growing demand for alternatives to colleges will finally force colleges to kind of lean into job training and focus on skills and career outcomes? [Jon] Well, yeah, the operative word there is 'finally.' I think colleges are finally understanding their role in preparing their graduates for jobs, something that they haven't historically thought about, or they've dismissed. And so, yeah. I think you'll see more explicitly career-focused education in colleges. And I think you'll see them trying to kind of catch up with and compete back against these new alternatives, like apprenticeships and internships. [Kirk] This is College Uncovered. I'm Kirk Carapezza from GBH … [Jon] … and I'm Jon Marcus from The Hechinger Report. This episode was produced and written by Kirk Carapezza … [Kirk] … and Jon Marcus. This episode was edited by Jonathan A. Davis. Our executive editor is Jenifer McKim. Our fact-checker is Ryan Alderman. Mixing and sound design by David Goodman and Gary Mott. All of our music is by college bands. Our theme song and original music is by Left Roman, out of MIT. Mei He is our project manager, and head of GBH podcasts is Devin Maverick Robins. [Kirk] College Uncovered is made possible by Lumina Foundation. It's produced by GBH News and The Hechinger Report and distributed by PRX. Thanks so much for listening. More information about the topics covered in this episode: Use a federal government website to find an apprenticeship. Read more about how some employers are dropping degree requirements for jobs. Read about how demand for outstrips the supply of apprenticeships … … and internships. Read Jobs for the Future's plan to modernize America's apprenticeship system. The post College Uncovered: Apprentices of the World, Unite! appeared first on The Hechinger Report.


Newsweek
an hour ago
- Politics
- Newsweek
Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The head of a dissident Iranian Kurdish movement has told Newsweek his group is urging the United States to foster contacts with opposition factions in the Islamic Republic to undermine and ultimately overthrow the government. "We think that the administration should have an open-door policy with the Democratic opposition to the Iranian regime, like Kurdish people, like different ethnic minorities, different ethnic political groups, providing they are not terrorists, providing they are not undemocratic," Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary-general of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, told Newsweek. "We think it is in the best national the United States to have a direct dialogue with the different components of the Iranian opposition," he added, "because if the United States has ties with them, the regime might collapse under pressure from domestic crises." And while some critics of Iran voice opposition to U.S. President Donald Trump's efforts to strike a nuclear agreement with Tehran, Mohtadi felt a deal that restricted the Islamic Republic's nuclear program would only further serve to impair, rather than empower, the government. "We stand for a non-nuclear Iran, like the Trump administration does," Mohtadi said. "We also share the administration's policy of countering Iran's malign activity in the region. In my opinion, a deal based on these points does not strengthen the regime. In fact, it weakens it." Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan Secretary-General Abdullah Mohtadi speaks during the group's 16th congress, held in November 2024, in Denmark. Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan Secretary-General Abdullah Mohtadi speaks during the group's 16th congress, held in November 2024, in Denmark. Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan The Kurdish Struggle in Iran Iran is a diverse nation comprising a variety of ethnic communities, the largest of which is the Persian community. Other sizable groups include Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Lurs and Balochis. Kurds, often considered the world's largest stateless people, primarily inhabit territory spanning Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, with Iranian Kurds mostly present in the northwestern provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam and parts of Hamadan and Lorestan. Kurds are estimated to comprise around 10 percent of the Iranian population, constituting approximately 8–12 million people. They are largely Sunni Muslim, while the vast majority of Iranians adhere to Shiite Islam. As is the case with the other three countries in which substantial Kurdish populations reside, Iran has a troubled history with its Kurdish minority, some of whom have accused the ruling governments of suppressing their rights dating back centuries and some of whom have resorted to force to challenge authorities. Kurdish groups have also been used as proxies in rivalries between regional powers, both during and after Iran's monarchist era that ended with the 1979 Islamic Revolution. During the 1980s Iran-Iraq War that ensued, Kurdish factions on both sides fought against their respective governments. Komala emerged as one of the leading Kurdish armed groups, adopting a Marxist-Leninist outlook, to challenge the newly formed Islamic Republic. The party has operated largely underground, establishing networks both within the country and abroad. The group has also splintered several times, with Mohtadi's faction splitting from the Communist Party wing in 2000. For more than a decade, Mohtadi has sought to foster U.S. contacts and in 2018, under the first Trump administration, Komala opened its first office in Washington, D.C. Other leading Kurdish movements in Iran include the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) and the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK). Like Komala, these groups have been engaged in clashes with Iranian security personnel, including deadly incidents that have taken place in recent years. All three parties are designated terrorist organizations by the Iranian government, and Komala is also viewed as a terrorist organization. A representative of PDKI declined to comment to Newsweek. Newsweek has also reached out to PJAK, the Iranian Mission to the United Nations, and the U.S. Department of State for comment. After Mohtadi previously appealed for U.S. support during an October 2022 interview with Newsweek, the Iranian Mission reiterated that the "Komala Party is identified as an active terrorist group that has martyred hundreds of people in Mahabad and other cities in Iran." "If the US administration is committed to fighting terrorism, there should not be any adequate means and facilities for political activities and meetings at the disposal of this group," the Iranian Mission told Newsweek at the time. Mohtadi emphasized, however, that he no longer views armed resistance as the most viable path toward achieving Komala's aims in Iran, noting the recent disbanding of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in its decades-long insurgency against Turkey. "Kurds have been struggling for their rights for decades, hundreds of years," Mohtadi said. But I believe that the era of armed struggle, or getting victory through armed struggle, is over, and the PKK disarmament is a kind of [an] example for that." "Our success in organizing general strikes and in organizing the mass movements during the Jina revolution also is a testament to that effect," he added. The Jina movement refers to the large-scale protests under the banner of "Women, Life, Freedom" that erupted across Iran in response to the death of 22-year-old Kurdish Iranian Mahsa Amini, also known as Jina, or Zhina, Amini, while in police custody in September 2022. Activists have accused Iranian authorities of killing Amini after her detention on charges of failing to adhere to the country's dress code. Iranian officials have rejected this narrative, pointing to an investigation that allegedly showed she died of natural causes. Her cousin, a member of Komala's communist faction, has denied that she had any ties to Kurdish opposition groups. Mohtadi said Komala has played a leading role in promoting Kurdish opposition efforts through the protest movement, organizing strikes and other forms of civil disobedience. In doing so, he said, he has allied with PDKI, though he rejected the continued practice of attacking Iranian personnel as carried out by PJAK, which was most recently tied to the killing of an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) soldier in October. "As far as far as the civil movements are concerned, I think they are more effective than Kalashnikovs now," Mohtadi said, "and the Jina movement, the Woman, Life Freedom movement, proved it." Iranians protest the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini after she was detained by Iranian police, in Tehran, on October 1, 2022. Iranians protest the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini after she was detained by Iranian police, in Tehran, on October 1, 2022. AP/Middle East Images A State Within A State Through the Women, Life, Freedom movement, Mohtadi said Komala is "seeking and actively fighting for a Kurdish united front inside Iranian Kurdistan." He said this effort includes reinvigorating young Iranian Kurds to take action on the streets. The large-scale protests and unrest that emerged after Amini's death drew international attention to both women's rights and Kurdish rights in Iran, while drawing domestic outrage toward hardliners in the government. Some took their hopes for change to the ballots. Last August, following the death of principalist President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash, reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian, who hails from Azeri-Turkish roots, won a snap election on a platform that included promoting the rights of ethnic minorities, including Kurds. Pezeshkian appointed the first Sunni Kurdish governor of the Kurdistan province in 45 years and chose the semiautonomous Kurdish region of neighboring Iraq as his first foreign visit. However, Mohtadi envisions more comprehensive measures that would grant Kurds greater self-rule within Iran, similar to Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). Both quasi-states were established with direct support from Washington in the wake of the Gulf War and the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, respectively. "We do not copy their model, but generally speaking, yes, we are for a federal Iran," Mohtadi said, "as my party and my people in Iranian Kurdistan supports a federal, democratic political structure in the future of Iran, which means that people have a say in running their own affairs in the Kurdish regions." He affirmed that this would include local, Kurdish leadership tasked with overseeing matters of governance, education and even security. But Mohtadi argued that Komala's work was not solely targeted toward Iranian Kurds and also sought to foster cooperation with other ethnic communities and opposition movements, including both republicans and monarchists, "with the exception of extremists, radical Islamists and those who engage in terrorist activities." Such fringe groups, he argued, are "not useful to the democratic movement against the regime. Sometimes, in fact, they are harmful." He cited an example of a recent alliance he struck with Iran's exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi that was ultimately "sabotaged by extremist monarchists." Disunity has also plagued Kurdish movements abroad, whose gains remain limited and face constant threats of reversal. When Iraq's KRG moved to seek independence in 2017, nearly every regional country, along with the U.S., opposed the measure. In response to the vote, Iraqi troops retook vast swathes of territory seized by Kurdish forces during their joint fight against the Islamic State militant group (ISIS). Two court rulings in Baghdad last year paved the way for further centralization in Iraq, removing a parliamentary quota system for electing minorities and revoking the KRG's authority to distribute salaries to its employees. Even more recently in Syria, the Pentagon-backed Syrian Democratic Forces, who lead the AANES, signed an agreement in March to become integrated into the central government in Damascus, now headed by Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, the former Islamist militant chief credited with leading the rebel offensive that toppled President Bashar al-Assad in December. Two months later, mutual distrust remains. While Sharaa has promised to afford greater recognition to Syrian Kurds, he has rejected calls for greater decentralization and talk of separatist ideals. Despite these setbacks, Mohtadi remained optimistic about what lies ahead for Kuds in Iran and beyond, while acknowledging the need to continue striving for greater international support. "We have to raise our political awareness about the Kurdish rights and the Kurdish issue in the West, in the United States, with the administration, with the media, with the Congress," Mohtadi said. "We have to continue our work. It takes time, but we will succeed. We will succeed. I'm hopeful for the future of the Kurds more than before." However, while generally supportive of the Kurdish cause in other countries, such as Iraq, Syria and Turkey, Mohtadi was reluctant to frame Komala's current goals as being linked to the long-sought establishment of a united, independent Kurdistan spanning all four nations. "This is the dream of every Kurd, and it is something we deserve, but it should be left to future generations to resolve," Mohtadi said. "At this stage, every part of Kurdistan should seek their respective rights within the boundaries of the countries in which there are significant Kurdish populations." A civil defense team carries out search and rescue operations following a missile strike by Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps on Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government capital of Erbil, on January 17, 2024. A civil defense team carries out search and rescue operations following a missile strike by Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps on Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government capital of Erbil, on January 17, 2024. SAFIN HAMID/AFP/Getty Images Regional Spillover Still, the Kurdish issue has a tendency to transcend borders. A number of Iranian Kurdish factions, including PJAK and Komala's Communist Party and Reform factions, are known to operate in Iraq's Kurdish regions. The Iranian military has occasionally launched attacks against Kurdish targets, most recently in January of last year, when the IRGC conducted a series of missile strikes against what Iranian officials alleged to be a base for Israel's Mossad intelligence agency in the KRG capital of Erbil. Leadership in both Baghdad and Erbil rejected the supposed Israeli presence in northern Iraq. Israel does, however, have a long history of seeking to promote ties with Kurdish movements across the Middle East, particularly in Iraq and Syria. Mossad leadership has in past decades made direct contact with Iraqi Kurdish officials, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was the first and potentially only world leader to support the KRG's independence bid in 2017, prompting further regional backlash. The situation in Iran is in some ways even more complicated. Netanyahu, having played a pivotal role in supporting Trump's 2018 decision to scrap the nuclear deal secured by former President Barack Obama three years earlier, is once again fueling skepticism toward a new agreement with Tehran. In place of diplomacy, the Israeli premier has repeatedly threatened strikes against Iran's nuclear facilities, with some officials calling for preemptive joint action alongside the U.S. Trump, however, has downplayed his enthusiasm for such kinetic measures, and has warned Netanyahu against taking unilateral action that could threaten the ongoing nuclear negotiations. Mohtadi, for his part, was similarly cautious about the prospect of foreign military action against Iran, though he did not rule out forging a partnership with Israel. "We welcome any support from any democratic country in the region or in the West for our struggle against this regime," Mohtadi said. "We haven't had any. What we need is in the future is that a free, democratic Iran, will not be an enemy of Israel." "We do not want this slogan of destruction of Israel to continue in the future," he added. "We don't want hostilities against the United States and the West. We do not want hostilities against our neighbors in the future and the remedy for all of these bad policies is a democratic change in Iran."