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Editorial: An uproar in Hyde Park and Kenwood over an old hotel turned into a homeless shelter

Editorial: An uproar in Hyde Park and Kenwood over an old hotel turned into a homeless shelter

Yahoo06-04-2025

Homelessness in Chicago is a crisis. More housing is needed, and fast, which this page has addressed more than once. But there are few easy answers to the problem in the short run.
On the border of Hyde Park and Kenwood, city officials have provided a stark example of what not to do.
With next to no notice to the affected community, city and state officials decided late last year to make a former Best Western hotel, located amid lakefront high-rises, into a permanent shelter housing up to 750 people.
The shuttered hotel previously was used on an emergency basis to house migrants during the surge that occurred as Texas Gov. Greg Abbott was busing Venezuelan and other asylum seekers in large numbers to Chicago. At the time, the idea (or at least the neighborhood assumption) was that once the migrant crisis was past, the use of the hotel for a shelter would end.
Instead, the state of Illinois, which has been operating the Best Western shelter, now plans to transfer it to the city on June 30. Since December, the city and state have worked together to convert this former migrant facility to a homeless shelter.
In February, city officials acknowledged to irate neighbors of the facility that they'd failed to keep the community informed of those plans. It had taken 5th Ward Ald. Desmon Yancy's entreaties on behalf of constituents to make city officials realize 'there was a big, big problem, a big misstep here,' Chicago Chief Homelessness Officer Sendy Soto said back then, according to Block Club Chicago.
Yet another meeting took place March 31, this one attended by more than 200 people, most of them still irate about what they had thought was a temporary shelter apparently becoming permanent.
Yancy promised then to try to close the facility; he suggested community members file a zoning challenge. State Rep. Curtis Tarver, who represents the area and also wants the facility closed, pinned the blame squarely on the mayor, describing the lack of communication and solicitation of community input as 'ineptitude on the fifth floor.'
Where have we heard that before? We're two years into Mayor Brandon Johnson's term and city officials still make amateur mistakes like thinking a 750-person homeless shelter located without warning in a stable, densely populated neighborhood won't generate an uproar. As if to reinforce the community's view that the mayor doesn't care about them, Soto was invited but didn't attend the most recent meeting.
These issues are emotional no matter what. They strike at deep-seated and valid concerns like property values, public safety and orderliness and cleanliness. But let's be real: They also surface prejudices. The people in the Best Western shelter all are families with young children — the most vulnerable homeless population we have.
There's a real debate to be had about what responsibility better-off neighborhoods like Hyde Park have to help solve humanitarian problems that often are laid at the feet of poorer areas. But once you've sown such distrust by appearing to make such a momentous decision a fait accompli, as city officials have done here, engaging in productive dialogue with affected neighbors becomes almost impossible because of lack of trust.
Will this administration ever learn?
Submit a letter, of no more than 400 words, to the editor here or email letters@chicagotribune.com.

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Texas considers banning products infused with THC derived from hemp, and retailers are worried
Texas considers banning products infused with THC derived from hemp, and retailers are worried

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

Texas considers banning products infused with THC derived from hemp, and retailers are worried

AUSTIN, Texas (AP) — Walk into enough gas stations and they're likely easy to find: gummies, drinks and vapes infused with THC, the compound that gives marijuana its psychoactive properties. That's given lawmakers across the U.S. headaches over how to regulate the booming market, and it's a conflict now taking hold in Texas, where a proposed ban passed by the Legislature poses another major battle for the industry. Texas has some of the nation's most restrictive marijuana laws, but thousands of retailers in the state sell THC consumables, underscoring states' struggle to set rules around the products that generate millions in tax revenue. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott has not indicated whether he will sign the ban. Other states, including California, have imposed restrictions in recent years that include banning underage use and limits on the potency of the products, which are often marketed as legal even in states where marijuana is not. 'Governor Abbott will thoughtfully review any legislation sent to his desk,' spokesperson Andrew Mahaleris said when asked for comment on the bill. Texas tries to crack down The Texas bill would make it a misdemeanor to sell, possess or manufacture consumable products with tetrahydrocannabinol, or THC. The proposal shadows several other state efforts to crack down on a market that has exploded since a 2018 federal law allowed states to regulate hemp, which can be synthetically processed to create THC. Hemp is a plant that is grown to make textiles, plastics, food and several other products. It is related to marijuana and must contain less than 0.3% THC to still be classified as hemp under federal law. The proliferating market has given residents in states with strict marijuana laws such as Texas a legal way to access products that can give them a similar high. Nationwide, the substances are often sold through legal loopholes, despite concerns about potential health risks and a lack of oversight of how they're produced. Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick laid out bags of THC snacks on a table in front of a group of reporters last week to reiterate his determination for Texas to ban the products. He said he wasn't worried about Abbott when asked about the possibility of a veto. 'This is serious business,' Patrick said. If enacted into law, Texas would have one of the most restrictive bans in the country, according to Katharine Neil Harris, a researcher in drug policy at the Baker Institute for Public Policy at Rice University. 'I'm not aware of any other states without recreational marijuana markets that also prohibit consumable hemp products from having any THC,' Harris said. A jumbled legal landscape States that prohibit recreational marijuana have also made efforts to regulate the THC market, including Alabama, Kentucky and Tennessee. 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Doritos, Mountain Dew could get warning labels in this state
Doritos, Mountain Dew could get warning labels in this state

USA Today

time2 hours ago

  • USA Today

Doritos, Mountain Dew could get warning labels in this state

Doritos, Mountain Dew could get warning labels in this state Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has yet to indicate if he plans to sign the bill into law. Show Caption Hide Caption FDA redefines what foods can be labeled as 'healthy' Foods will be required to contain certain ingredients and be under specific limits for added sugar, saturated fat and sodium to be marketed as "healthy." Scripps News A bipartisan bill out of Texas, awaiting Gov. Greg Abbott's signature, could change food and drink packaging as we know it nationwide. Texas Senate Bill 25 passed unanimously in the state senate before being forwarded to Abbott's desk on June 1, where it is under review. Among provisions for education on nutrition and health, one set of proposed regulations would require that packaging for food or drink items contain warnings about ingredients "not recommended for human consumption." 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Texas Senate Bill 25 would require that specific warning labels be placed on products intended for human consumption if they use certain ingredients like bleached flour, food dyes, sweeteners, oils and preservatives. Because manufacturers generally aim for uniformity and efficiency, as reported by Bloomberg, they will often expand practices employed to comply with state laws nationwide, meaning this change could impact the packaged food industry on a larger scale. The bill would require that manufacturers display the warning label prominently if their product contains one of 44 listed ingredients, most of which have some form of ban, warning or regulation in other Western countries despite being legal in the U.S. The proposed label reads as follows: "WARNING: This product contains an ingredient that is not recommended for human consumption by the appropriate authority in Australia, Canada, the European Union, or the United Kingdom." Manufacturers, and in some cases retailers, would also be required to post a similar statement on websites on which applicable products are offered for sale. This requirement would not apply to products not intended for human consumption; food prepared, served, or sold in restaurants or retail locations; drugs or dietary supplements; or agricultural products on which pesticides or other such chemicals were used in their production, storage or transportation. Regulations set by federal agencies like the U.S. Department of Agriculture's (USDA) Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), Food and Drug Administration (FDA) or Surgeon General would supersede these state-level rules, meaning products already overseen or required to utilize certain labels by these agencies would not need an additional warning. The FDA deeming ingredients safe or setting new guidelines for their use would also exempt them from labeling. 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Inside the siege: Venezuelan dissidents tell story of their escape from embassy
Inside the siege: Venezuelan dissidents tell story of their escape from embassy

Miami Herald

time2 hours ago

  • Miami Herald

Inside the siege: Venezuelan dissidents tell story of their escape from embassy

In a Venezuelan election, running as an incumbent gives you the sort of edge that any unscrupulous and power-hungry leader around the world can only fantasize about. You are down in the polls? You start arresting the campaign leaders of each state your rival visits. You are still behind? You charge your rival's campaign manager and their team with crimes against the state, and order their arrest along with the apprehension of your opponent's security chief as well as of any political leader, well-known journalist, or human right activist advocating in favor of change. The owner of a local hotel allows your rival to speak there? Well, You arrest him too, and while you are at it, confiscate the truck of the guy transporting the sound equipment. The threat of imprisoning opponents, laced with the justified fears of being tortured once apprehended, played a key role in the electoral strategy of ruler Nicolás Maduro's presidential campaign last year, said Magalli Meda, campaign manager of opposition leader María Corina Machado and of presidential candidate Edmundo González. 'Imprisonment wasn't just a threat—it was the plan,' said Meda. According to her and other exiled opposition campaign leaders, fear was central to the Maduro regime's re-election strategy. By March 2024, that fear reached a peak. Meda and five fellow members of the Machado-González campaign knew their arrests were imminent. They had watched as allies were rounded up. 'We knew we were next,' said Pedro Urruchurtu, one of the six. The others — Omar González Moreno, Claudia Macero, Humberto Villalobos and Fernando Martínez Mottola— feared the same fate. Their decision to act came suddenly, triggered by a passing conversation with Gabriel Volpi, the commercial attache at the Argentine embassy, at an event they attended. 'I never thought I'd actually call him,' Urruchurtu recalled. 'But with the intelligence agencies closing in, I locked myself in the bathroom and dialed. I told him, 'Gabriel, we need sanctuary. Now.'' Volpi promised to check. Ten anxious minutes later, he gave the green light. The six campaign leaders entered the Argentine Embassy in Caracas just ahead of their pursuers. The embassy gave them safety—but not freedom. Venezuela broke off relations with Argentina on July 29th, the day after the presidential election, primarily due to disagreements over its outcome. As the Argentine diplomatic staff were ordered to leave, Venezuelan regime forces surrounded the compound. Snipers appeared on neighboring rooftops. Attack dogs were stationed nearby. Drones buzzed overhead. Electricity was cut, water shut off, food and medicine restricted. 'What was supposed to be a refuge became a prison,' said Macero. 'There were no bars, but we were caged.' Speaking to the Miami Herald in an hour-long interview, five of the six opposition figures said that for months, they endured. No visitors were allowed. Food was seized, then returned, as a form of psychological torment. 'It was like a game of cat and mouse,' Villalobos said. 'They wanted to break us.' They considered using the water from the swimming pool, but it had became so contaminated that it was unsafe to use other than for flushing toilets. Gonzalez said that as food became scarce and the days dragged on, those inside began to feel the psychological effects of living under siege. The purpose was evident to all of them: The regime sought to crush their will and force them to betray the cause. But more unbearable than the hunger was the silence, he said: It enveloped everything, thick and oppressive, interrupted only by the yelling of the officers outisde, the barking of the dogs, or the buzzing of their watchers' vehicles and drones. 'They wanted to break us. They wanted us to give in, for fear to eat us up from the inside. They longed for our surrender, our betrayal. They wanted to see us renounce what we were defending: María Corina, Edmundo, the people who never stopped shouting from the streets, demanding, believing,' Gonzalez said. Suddenly, it all became too much for one of those inside. On Dec. 19, Martínez Mottola, 71, former minister of transportation in the 1990s, surrendered, defeated by the siege. After nine months of confinement without seeing his family, he walked out and surrendered to Venezuelan authorities. On Feb. 26, 2025, he died under house arrest in circumstances that remain unclear. According to regime officials, Martínez Mottola voluntarily appeared before the prosecutor's office and died after suffering a stroke. But Meda is quick to blame the regime. 'He died because of an order to kidnap him and keep him away from his family,' she said, adding that the government 'must take responsibility' for his death. Outside, Venezuela's political reality continued to deteriorate. Though the July 28th presidential election was widely seen as a victory for González, Maduro's regime declared itself the winner. But the real margin of victory for the opposition — reportedly as much as a 40-point lead — was too large to convincingly manipulate. The world watched, and so did Venezuela's exhausted population, over 90% of whom, according to opposition data, believe Maduro lost. For those inside the embassy, the stakes were life or death. They knew what happened to dissidents detained by the intelligence agencies. Torture was routine. Disappearance was possible. 'We were on the list of those to be liquidated,' Macero said. Still, they planned. They waited. And in May, under cover of secrecy and intense coordination, they escaped. The details of Operation Guacamaya, as the escape operation was called, remain tightly guarded. No gunfire. No visible confrontation. Just quiet, disciplined execution. One by one, the six slipped through one of Caracas' most fortified zones, past military checkpoints, and out of the country. Reports that the United States and Argentina had helped in the extraction soon circulated around social media, but these were never confirmed. The world did initially find out about the operation from a statement issued on X by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in which he extended gratitude 'to all personnel involved' and to 'our partners who assisted in securing the safe liberation of these Venezuelan heroes' — a message widely interpreted as hinting at U.S. involvement. Nevertheless, the White House later said that no U.S. personnel actively participated inside Venezuela during the rescue. For the five that manage to escape the embassy and now find themselves in the United States., their newly found freedom has monumental symbolic value. 'It wasn't just an escape,' said González. 'It was a message: that resistance still breathes in Venezuela.' The implications went further. According to González, their escape and the public pressure it generated peeled away the regime's carefully curated image of control and legitimacy. 'The world saw what was happening. More importantly, Venezuelans saw it too.' The escape also cast light on a growing fracture within the regime itself. 'There's an internal war playing out,' González said. At the center of that internal struggle is Diosdado Cabello, a powerful figure within the ruling United Socialist Party. Long seen as Maduro's right-hand man, Cabello is increasingly acting with independence—and muscle. His grip on the country's military and intelligence apparatus has grown. Decisions made by other party elites, even Maduro himself, are being undermined or reversed. 'The infamous Cabello is gaining power every day,' González said. 'And that signals a deeper breakdown within the regime.' It's a shift with serious implications. The regime's once-monolithic control is splintering. Loyalties are shifting. 'The abuse, the impunity—it's no longer in the shadows,' González added. 'It's in the open. Under the noses of those who claim to govern.' For the five opposition figures now in exile, Operation Guacamaya wasn't just about survival, the said — it was about revealing the truth and about showing the price of dissent, and the courage required to claim a future. Whether that act will be remembered as the final chapter or merely the prologue to Venezuela's next battle remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: those who escaped say freedom—even temporary—was worth everything. 'Living like that wasn't really living,' Villalobos said. 'If we had to die, let it be fighting for freedom.'

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