
Proposed Spokane Valley sales tax to boost police moves a step closer to voters
But the members of the public who spoke at Tuesday's meeting shared a wide range of reasons they support, and oppose, the effort to place a .01% sales tax measure on the ballot this fall to secure funding for an increase in the city's law enforcement.
Spokane Valley has long been considered a conservative stronghold, electing predominantly Republican or Republican-backed candidates to the city council and the state Legislature since the mid-1990s. City leadership has taken the fiscal and law enforcement aspects of the ideology to heart, highlighted by the council's 16-year-streak of voting against property tax increases and its ongoing efforts to bolster the Spokane Valley Police Department.
Those values have come head-to-head as the city enters phase two of its bid to hire more deputies dedicated to Spokane Valley. They'd like to hire four patrol deputies, a behavioral health deputy, a school resource officer and a sexual assault detective that would split time with the sheriff's office, but need to secure a funding source.
The council held a public hearing Tuesday on the plan for a funding source: a .01% sales tax within city limits that would generate an estimated $2.6 million annually. The city council voted 6-1 to advance an ordinance that would put the measure on the ballot for the August 5 primary election, but a final call on whether the question will be put to the voters won't be made until April 15.
If approved, the measure would increase the city's sales tax to 9% as of January 1, 2026, and the revenue generated would be dedicated to costs associated with providing public safety services, including "adding new police officers; paying public safety operations, maintenance and capital; providing for law enforcement staffing and retention," according to the current draft of the measure.
State law does allow for a portion of the proceeds to go to other city costs, which is noted in the draft.
Noticeably missing from the current iteration of the proposition is a sunset date for the tax. Councilman Al Merkel appeared to take issue with the omission of an end date and said he believes the city should find other ways to cover the costs, like cutting other services, before putting it to the voters to decide.
He is supportive of the efforts to bolster dedicated police staffing by 25 deputies called for in a consultant's 2023 analysis but believes those additions should be funded in their entirety first, then the city can find necessary cuts in the budgeting process.
"Policing is the one critical service that the city provides, and we should fully fund it with the revenues that we have now and then come to the citizens if we need revenues for like-to-haves, instead of needs," Merkel said.
Merkel's peers expressed a desire to have voters decide if they would be willing to foot the bill for additional law enforcement positions. Councilman Ben Wick said he opposes additional cuts to city services and highlighted the limited options to secure funding necessary to boost police staffing.
The council redirected funding from streets, city staffing and parks projects to hire 10 new dedicated deputies last year, and could look to end the city's pool and swim programs, parks maintenance and economic development efforts to fund the next round of officers if the measure does not pass, said Deputy City Manager Erik Lamb.
Other options to secure the funding would include property or utility tax increases, or additional business license fees, according to a city staff report.
"There are a number of other priorities that we're trying to accomplish for the city; economic development, for instance, helps all of our other jurisdictions," Wick said. "The property taxes for the library, fire: all of those are done and increased because of our economic development."
Mayor Pam Haley echoed Wick's sentiment, highlighting that the city's aquatics program helps save lives, and that she does not want to be forced to make cuts to it.
Members of the public who testified at the meeting in opposition to the measure were disgruntled with paying additional taxes in the city, while others cited concerns that additional police staffing would not address the city's public safety needs.
Those in the former crowd said they'd like to see the city find additional cost cutting measures, while those in the latter shared a desire to see investments addressing underlying contributors to criminal behavior, like a lack of housing, jobs and social services.
Pat Dempsey, vice chair of the citizen's advisory board at the sheriff's office, was one of few who testified in support of the measure. She said she also would like investments made in regional services for homeless people and those struggling with addiction, which is why she appreciates that one of the proposed deputy positions would be paired with a social worker.
"This is a way that we help support our homeless, which is one of our biggest issues in this county, in the city, is to help bring the support to the actual people that are homeless," Dempsey said. "These combinations of social workers and deputies together are doing a great job."
Councilman Rod Higgins reiterated for the public and his peers that Tuesday's vote only advanced the proposal to a second reading next week as the board continues to mull it over.
"Let's not get ahead of our skis here," Higgins said.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Newsweek
26 minutes ago
- Newsweek
Georgia Moves Closer to Eliminating Income Tax
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Lawmakers in Georgia have met to discuss the possibility of axing personal income tax. Supporters say eliminating the state's income tax could attract businesses and residents, continuing recent tax relief efforts. Critics warn it would force service cuts or higher sales taxes, hitting low- and middle-income households hardest. Why It Matters Georgia has been amending its personal income tax rates in recent years. Governor Brian Kemp this year signed into law income tax rebates of up to $500 and a rate cut to 5.19 percent starting in January for all income earned in 2025. The measure is part of a broader plan to lower the rate to 4.99 percent. The law also replaced Georgia's system of tax brackets with a flat income tax. According to the Governor's Office of Planning and Budget, individual income taxes are expected to amount to around 47 percent of Georgia's state revenue for the current budget year, which started on July 1. Currently, only eight states don't tax individual income, according to the Tax Foundation. What To Know The effort to abolish the Peach State's individual income taxes is being led by Lieutenant Governor Burt Jones, a Republican, who argued in a Tuesday meeting that reducing income taxes to zero would help the state stay competitive, particularly among southern states like Florida and Tennessee which have no income tax, and Mississippi and North Carolina, both of which are working toward eliminating personal levies. Jones said lawmakers have already given back billions of dollars to taxpayers in recent years through tax cuts, rebates and other measures. Some $7.6 billion has been returned to Georgia taxpayers through property tax relief, motor fuel tax relief, and income tax rebates and cuts, according to Kemp. "But we must go further," Jones told the Senate Special Committee on Eliminating Georgia's Income Tax. "We must seize this opportunity to lead the South, not trail behind it." The Georgia State Capitol in Atlanta on December 30, 2024. The Georgia State Capitol in Atlanta on December 30, 2024. GETTY Danny Kanso, senior fiscal analyst at the Georgia Budget and Policy Institute, said that for most Georgia households, eliminating the income tax would effectively be a "massive" tax increase. To offset the deficit, he said, the state would need to triple the sales tax and apply it to new products, calling that "a very tall order to replace the state's largest source of revenue." "[It] doesn't really make sense when you hear we're going to lower taxes, eliminate sources of revenue, and somehow we're also going to raise more money," Kanso said. "That's not something we've really seen work in the past." The committee also heard from Democrats, who warned that eliminating the income tax could force Georgia to either cut services or raise sales taxes, measures they said would hit low- and middle-income residents the hardest. "The same people who favor lowering taxes want the ambulance to be there in four minutes when their loved one is having a health crisis," said State Senator Nan Orrock. "That requires an investment." The committee also heard from Grover Norquist, president of the conservative group Americans for Tax Reform. Norquist argued that states like Florida, which has no income tax, continue to generate revenue even after cutting personal levies. He said that when businesses see states moving to eliminate the tax, they begin investing there, and residents follow. What People Are Saying Georgia Lieutenant Governor Burt Jones said on Tuesday: "If we want to continue to stay competitive here in the state of Georgia, and continue to be the number one state to do business, we've got to be looking for ways to keep us competitive and make it where we have a competitive advantage over states that we are competing with all the time." Danny Kanso, senior fiscal analyst at the Georgia Budget and Policy Institute, said in Tuesday's meeting: "The proposal would have to increase taxes on far more Georgians than it would reduce taxes on, and so it's a little bit of a solution in search of a problem that would likely cause ripples all across the state and across the economy as well." What Happens Next The committee has set a goal of delivering a workable plan to eliminate income taxes ahead of next year's legislative session, which begins in January 2026.


Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
Here's how Trump could throw a ‘wrench' into Hill funding negotiations as shutdown looms
Now, with less than 45 days before the current fiscal year comes to a close, top Trump administration officials argue the White House can send another rescissions package and then treat the funding as expired come midnight on Sept. 30 — regardless of congressional action. And if the White House moves forward with the plan, it could do more than just cause political headaches. It very likely would kick off a high-stakes legal battle over Congress' funding power and whether a presidential administration must spend all of the money prescribed by law or whether the spending levels are simply 'a ceiling,' as Vought has contended. The Government Accountability Office has said repeatedly that pocket rescissions are against the law and would 'cede Congress's power of the purse by allowing a president to, in effect, change the law by shortening the period of availability for fixed-period funds.' Vought has taken aim at the watchdog, and Mark Paoletta, the Office of Management and Budget general counsel, piled on this month. 'Trump Derangement Syndrome is on full display' at GAO, Paoletta said on social media, and 'wrong on pocket rescissions.' 'Congress is well aware' that the law allows the maneuver, he added, pointing out that lawmakers did not bother heeding GAO's urging 50 years ago to fix a loophole leaving the legality question open to interpretation. Yet even some of the Republican lawmakers who are hungry for more chances to kill funding are wary of the Trump administration using the rescissions process to undermine Congress' funding power under Article I of the Constitution. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), who reluctantly voted in support of the rescissions request last month, said he won't support more clawback packages if the White House doesn't provide account-by-account details of how the funding would be cut. 'I'm just not going to aid and abet moving appropriations decisions over to the Article II branch,' Tillis said in an interview. Trump 'just happens to be a Republican,' Tillis continued, but 'we could regret this, just as Democrats would, if they are tempted to do the same thing. That's why you've got to draw lines here institutionally.' Concerns about precedent, legality and political appetite are converging on the reality for members of both parties that Republicans can't afford to alienate Democrats, whose votes they likely need to pass any government funding bill to avoid a shutdown next month. Senate Majority Leader John Thune, when asked about a second rescissions package, stressed he would prefer to handle any more cuts through the regular appropriations process. 'My hope would be that that's the way we deal with a lot of these issues,' he said. Democrats hope so too, and they have warned that any Trump administration effort to claw back money already approved by Congress — 'pocket' or otherwise — would undermine lawmakers' ability to work across party lines to avoid a shutdown. In remarks late last month alongside House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and his party's senior appropriators, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said Democrats would try to reach a compromise with Republicans despite GOP lawmakers' approval of the latest $9 billion rescissions package. But, he added, 'Republicans are making it extremely difficult to do that … by talking about rescissions, pocket rescissions, impoundment — which would undo anything that we did in the budgets.'

2 hours ago
Trump moves to use the levers of presidential power to help his party in the 2026 midterms
President Donald Trump has made clear in recent weeks that he's willing to use the vast powers of his office to prevent his party from losing control of Congress in next year's midterm elections. Some of the steps Trump has taken to intervene in the election are typical, but controversial, political maneuvers taken to his trademark extremes. That includes pushing Republican lawmakers in Texas and other conservative-controlled states to redraw their legislative maps to expand the number of U.S. House seats favorable to the GOP. Others involve the direct use of official presidential power in ways that have no modern precedent, such as ordering his Department of Justice to investigate the main liberal fundraising entity, ActBlue. The department also is demanding the detailed voter files from each state in an apparent attempt to look for ineligible voters on a vast scale. And on Monday, Trump posted a falsehood-filled rant on social media pledging to lead a 'movement' to outlaw voting machines and mail balloting, the latter of which has become a mainstay of Democratic voting since Trump pushed Republicans to avoid it in 2020 — before flipping on the issue ahead of last year's presidential election. The individual actions add up to an unprecedented attempt by a sitting president to interfere in a critical election before it's even held, moves that have raised alarms among those concerned about the future of U.S. democracy. 'Those are actions that you don't see in healthy democracies,' said Ian Bassin, executive director of Protect Democracy, a nonpartisan organization that has sued the Trump administration. 'Those are actions you see in authoritarian states.' Bassin noted that presidents routinely stump for their party in midterm elections and try to bolster incumbents by steering projects and support to their districts. But he said Trump's history is part of what's driving alarm about the midterms. He referenced Trump's attempts to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, which ended with a violent assault on the Capitol by his supporters. 'The one thing we know for certain from experience in 2020 is that this is a person who will use every measure and try every tactic to stay in power, regardless of the outcome of an election,' Bassin said. He noted that in 2020, Trump was checked by elected Republicans in Congress and statehouses who refused to bend the rules, along with members of his own administration and even military leaders who distanced themselves from the defeated incumbent. In his second term, the president has locked down near-total loyalty from the GOP and stacked the administration with loyalists. The incumbent president's party normally loses seats in Congress during midterm elections. That's what happened to Trump in 2018, when Democrats won enough seats to take back the House of Representatives, stymieing the president's agenda and eventually leading to his two impeachments. Trump has said he doesn't want a repeat. He also has argued that his actions are actually attempts to preserve democracy. Repeating baseless allegations of fraud, he said Monday during a meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that 'you can never have a real democracy with mail-in ballots.' Earlier this month, Trump said that, because he handily won Texas in the 2024 presidential election, 'we are entitled to five more seats.' Republicans currently have a three-seat margin in the House of Representatives. Trump pushed Texas Republicans to redraw their congressional map to create up to five new winnable GOP seats and is lobbying other red states, including Indiana and Missouri, to take similar steps to pad the margin even more. The Texas Legislature is likely to vote on its map on Wednesday. There's no guarantee that Trump's gambit will work, but also no legal prohibition against fiddling with maps in those states for partisan advantage. In response, California Democrats are moving forward with their own redistricting effort as a way to counter Republicans in Texas. Mid-decade map adjustments have happened before, though usually in response to court orders rather than presidents openly hoping to manufacture more seats for their party. Larry Diamond, a political scientist at Stanford University, said there's a chance the redrawing of House districts won't succeed as Trump anticipates — but could end up motivating Democratic voters. Still, Diamond said he's concerned. 'It's the overall pattern that's alarming and that the reason to do this is for pure partisan advantage,' he said of Trump's tactic. Diamond noted that in 2019 he wrote a book about a '12-step' process to turn a democracy into an autocracy, and 'the last step in the process is to rig the electoral process.' Trump has required loyalty from all levels of his administration and demanded that the Department of Justice follow his directives. One of those was to probe ActBlue, an online portal that raised hundreds of millions of dollars in small-dollar donations for Democratic candidates over two decades. The site was so successful that Republicans launched a similar venture, called WinRed. Trump, notably, did not order a federal probe into WinRed. Trump's appointees at the Department of Justice also have demanded voting data from at least 19 states, as Trump continues to insist he actually won the 2020 election and proposed a special prosecutor to investigate that year's vote tally. Much as he did before winning the 2024 election, Trump has baselessly implied that Democrats may rig upcoming vote counts against him. In at least two of those states, California and Minnesota, the DOJ followed up with election officials last week, threatening legal action if they didn't hand over their voter registration lists by this Thursday, according to letters shared with The Associated Press. Neither state — both controlled by Democrats — has responded publicly. Trump's threat this week to end mail voting and do away with voting machines is just his latest attempt to sway how elections are run. An executive order he signed earlier this year sought documented proof of citizenship to register to vote, among other changes, though much of it has been blocked by courts. In the days leading up to the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol to reverse his 2020 loss, Trump's allies proposed having the military seize voting machines to investigate purported fraud, even though Trump's own attorney general said there was no evidence of significant wrongdoing. The Constitution says states and Congress, rather than the president, set the rules for elections, so it's unclear what Trump could do to make his promises a reality. But election officials saw them as an obvious sign of his 2026 interests. 'Let's see this for what it really is: An attempt to change voting going into the midterms because he's afraid the Republicans will lose,' wrote Ann Jacobs, the Democratic chair of the Wisconsin Elections Commission, on X. Derek Muller, a law professor at the University of Notre Dame, said the idea of seizing voting machines in 2020 was a sign of how few levers the president has to influence an election, not of his power. Under the U.S. Constitution, elections are run by states and only Congress can 'alter' the procedures — and, even then, for federal races alone. 'It's a deeply decentralized system,' Muller said. There are fewer legal constraints on presidential powers, such as criminal investigations and deployment of law enforcement and military resources, Muller noted. But, he added, people usually err in forecasting election catastrophes. He noted that in 2022 and 2024, a wide range of experts braced for violence, disruption and attempts to overturn losses by Trump allies, and no serious threats materialized. 'One lesson I've learned in decades of doing this is people are often preparing for the last election rather than what actually happens in the new ones,' Muller said.