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2008 Malegaon blast: Special NIA court likely to give judgment on July 31
A Special NIA court here on Thursday said it will likely give the judgment in the 2008 Malegaon blast case on July 31, noting that the matter has voluminous documents and it needs some time to deliver the verdict.
Almost 17 years after the blast, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) court had on April 19 reserved the verdict for May 8. However, Special Judge A K Lahoti, presiding over the case, kept it for the next date.
The judge told the accused persons, present in the court, that the case has voluminous documents, and it will take some time to pass the judgment. He asked all the accused in the case to be present on July 31, the next date.
Six people were killed and over 100 injured when an explosive device strapped on a motorcycle went off near a mosque in Malegaon, a town about 200 km from Mumbai in north Maharashtra, on September 29, 2008.
During the trial, the prosecution examined 323 witnesses, of whom 34 turned hostile.
Lt Col Prasad Purohit, BJP leader Pragya Thakur, Major (retired) Ramesh Upadhyay, Ajay Rahirkar, Sudhakar Dwivedi, Sudhakar Chaturvedi and Sameer Kulkarni are facing trial in the case under the provisions the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, or UAPA, and the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
The case was initially probed by the Maharashtra Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS) before being transferred to the NIA in 2011.
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Far from being static, the RSS employs technology and a language of inclusivity, compelling opposition leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi to adopt elements of Hindutva to suit regional, electoral, and ideological needs, while balancing their secular credentials. Mamata Banerjee Mamata Banerjee, leader of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), practices a 'soft Hindutva' to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) aggressive Hindu nationalism while preserving her secular image. Her approach is rooted in Bengali cultural identity, particularly through prioritising and promoting Durga Puja by funding clubs, organising a carnival, and substantially supporting local fairs and festivals – positioning her as a defender of Bengali culture in contrast to the 'outsider' narrative spun against the BJP. During the 2021 West Bengal elections, she recited the Chandi Path, visited temples, and patronised lesser-known festivals to gain grassroots legitimacy. 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This shift became more pronounced after AAP's defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in Delhi. Kejriwal's use of Hindu symbolism contributed to AAP regaining ground in the 2020 Delhi assembly elections, decisively defeating the BJP. In states like Gujarat and Punjab, his soft Hindutva, combined with promises of free electricity and education, expanded AAP's footprint, though the party's organisational strength remains limited. Critics note that Kejriwal's silence on issues like the Citizenship Amendment Act has alienated Muslim voters and compromises AAP's secular ethos. The 2025 Delhi result perhaps reflects the cost of this gamble: the BJP, along with the NDA, won 48 seats, and AAP was reduced to 22. His approach lacks the ideological depth of the BJP's Hindutva or the cultural rootedness of Mamata's strategy, reflecting political opportunism more than conviction. Uddhav Thackeray The Shiv Sena, a regional party in Maharashtra, has historically embraced a hardline Hindutva distinct from the BJP's nationalistic version. Under Bal Thackeray, the party was aggressively anti-Muslim and tied to Marathi identity, notably during the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. Under Uddhav Thackeray, the party has moderated its stance, aligning with secular parties in the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition since 2019. Uddhav's 'inclusive Hindutva' focuses on Marathi pride and Maharashtra-specific Hindu traditions, such as Vitthal worship, rather than anti-minority polarisation. This localised Hindutva, however, is less adaptable outside Maharashtra. The 2019 split, when Eknath Shinde's faction aligned with the BJP, weakened Uddhav's Shiv Sena (UBT). The party now balances its Hindu voter base with its secular allies, diluting its Hindutva narrative. Electoral losses in 2024 and 2025 have forced it to rely more heavily on coalition partners, tempering its rhetoric. 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