'Group of older men gossip about me': Malema on White House video clip
Trump played the clip to try to prove claims of white genocide in South Africa, which Ramaphosa's delegation denied, saying that violent crime affects all South Africans, not just white farmers.
Malema took to social media, describing the leaders and their delegation as 'a group of older men' who met to 'gossip about him'.
He said there's no evidence to prove white genocide, despite him consistently singing the song.
'No significant amount of intelligence evidence has been produced about white genocide,' Malema said. 'We will not agree to compromise our political principles on land expropriation without compensation for political expediency.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

TimesLIVE
8 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Higher funding limits in Political Funding Act 'will promote secrecy'
The proclamation that doubled the disclosure threshold and annual donation limit in the Political Funding Act will deepen secrecy in political funding and make it easier for private interests to influence our politics and for corruption to occur. This is the view of My Vote Counts (MVC) after a proclamation signed by President Cyril Ramaphosa was published in the Government Gazette on Monday. The new annual donation limit will be R30m, up from R15m, and the new disclosure threshold will be R200,000, up from R100,000. 'This is indeed a setback for our democracy. We cannot allow those in power to jeopardise our democracy and water down constitutionally protected rights for their narrow, self-serving interests,' said MVC's project lead on money in politics, Joel Bregman. He said politics required funding and the role parties played in a democratic system was vital. 'But there needs to be a balance between ensuring that parties are adequately funded, and that such funding is regulated and mitigates the risk of undue influence from donors.' Bregman said the immediate impact of a higher disclosure threshold and donation limit was that there would be more secrecy in political funding. 'The details of all donations under R200,000 will not be known to the public. This is an enormous sum for most South Africans and donations of such amounts should be made public knowledge to facilitate scrutiny of parties' relationships with donors and ensure that donors are not receiving anything in return.' He said the state has never provided a legitimate reason all donations should not be disclosed to the public. 'The past four years of disclosure data show that a handful of wealthy individuals dominate our private political funding landscape. Doubling the amount a donor can donate to a party in a year to R30m will give donors an even greater ability to have an outsize influence on our political system.' Bregman said the change would make parties more susceptible to undue influence. 'And because the law does not regulate donations from related parties through the different legal entities they control, wealthy donors can now have an even more significant impact.' Bregman said when the Political Funding Act was first developed in 2017, MVC was concerned that the original limits would dilute the act, but nevertheless celebrated the fact that, for the first time, the country had a law that provided 'a light into the darkness'. MVC said while recognising the act's importance, it was clear that the law had many defects that limited its ability to achieve its objectives. In 2023, the MVC initiated legal proceedings to challenge the constitutionality of the act and the case was heard before a full bench of the Western Cape High Court in February 2025. 'A key component of our challenge is that the original limits were not formulated with reference to empirical evidence and were therefore irrational and unlawful.' MVC asked the court to find the limits unconstitutional and refer them back to parliament for remedying. Judgment is pending. 'Should our case succeed, the amendments to the act will be set aside with full retrospective effect, including the determination of these new limits. While we await judgment, we are considering other legal options to address the president's action.' Bregman said MVC will be writing to Ramaphosa to request that he release the reasons and full record of factors that were considered as he applied his mind to the matter.


Daily Maverick
8 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Right goals but poor execution hampering SA's vital National Dialogue
With inclusive economic growth, the Rainbow Nation dream is possible, but can an ANC-dominated dialogue deliver? Amid significant discord, South Africa's year-long National Dialogue began in Pretoria last week. The process aims to forge a new social compact and essentially lay the groundwork for the next phase of the country's National Development Plan. It would be a wasted opportunity if the dialogue's rocky start stymied progress towards achieving these two compelling goals. Before the launch, the dialogue's proposed large budget, lack of civil society engagement and rushed process stirred public anger. Then a public spat broke out between President Cyril Ramaphosa and former president Thabo Mbeki, when the latter felt piqued that the government and not the Preparatory Task Team — in which his foundation played a key role — was in the driving seat. Eventually, several legacy foundations, which had assumed a leadership role in preparing for the process, walked out in protest. The Democratic Alliance, the second-largest party in the Government of National Unity (GNU) after Ramaphosa's African National Congress (ANC), had also withdrawn earlier. Mbeki was the first to call for a national dialogue to be held after the May 2024 general elections, which would address corruption, service delivery failures and the systemic decay in governance. During those elections, the ANC suffered an unprecedented 17 percentage point drop in support, forcing it to establish a GNU that eventually included 10 parties. There is considerable suspicion that the dialogue is intended to resuscitate the political fortunes of the ANC before the 2026 local and 2029 national elections. Those concerns seemed validated when, instead of drawing inspiration from South Africa's widely hailed 1994 Constitution, Ramaphosa said the dialogue would draw on the 1955 Congress of the People and Freedom Charter — which underpin ANC policy. Without a solid foundation and clarity of purpose, never mind budget and structure, current prospects for the dialogue are not promising. An updated forecast from the African Futures team at the Institute for Security Studies reveals that South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has stagnated or steadily declined since 2013, with a brief upturn in 2018. On its current growth trajectory, the country will recover to its 2013 level in 2039, implying 26 lost years. Even in a high-growth scenario, that point would, at best, be reached in 2032, some years after the next national elections. It is widely reported that South Africa has the highest unemployment and inequality rates globally. As if we are not doing badly enough, our foreign policy is among the reasons the United States has imposed 30% punitive trade tariffs on South Africa. The ANC has been in power since 1994, so cannot escape primary responsibility for this dismal state of affairs. The dialogue's goal of forging a social compact speaks to the extent of national disharmony — a situation not unique to South Africa. Instead of the unifying vision of a Rainbow Nation, the ANC has prolonged the racialised politics of the past. Policies intended to promote inclusion do so selectively and perpetuate inequality. Instead of fixing structural drivers to enable broad empowerment — such as quality education, health and access to opportunity — a host of race-based policies smother the economy. Examples are preferential procurement policies and the Employment Equity Amendment Act. This comes on top of weak implementation, lack of consequence management and widespread corruption in the government. Somewhere, the ANC has lost its way and the extent of its corruption, incompetence and internal fractures is on daily display in the media. What is left of the party's ideological core is provided by former members of its politicised armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe, who today form the centre of resistance within the ANC to Ramaphosa. The latest example was the chief of the South African National Defence Force's calculated call for closer relations with Iran — at a time when South Africa is trying to negotiate a reduction in US tariffs. SA in search of its mojo South Africa is in search of its mojo, largely as a result of the ANC's loss of moral purpose. The party is widely expected to do badly in the forthcoming local and general elections, but is likely to remain the largest political party nationally. What happens in the ANC should therefore be of concern to all South Africans. The way forward on the dialogue's second goal is clear — draw up a follow-on National Development Plan that has the broadest political, business, labour and civil society support, thus enabling it to survive beyond the 2029 elections. That requires four steps. First, harmonising the National Planning Commission and its work with the Eminent Persons Group appointed to guide the National Dialogue. Second, undertaking a comprehensive diagnostic analysis, as was done before the current National Development Plan. Third, crafting the follow-on plan through wide consultations and expert inputs, and fourth, taking it out for public engagement, amendment and finalisation. South Africa should align its planning horizon with the third 10-year implementation plan of the African Union's Agenda 2063. Its foreign and trade policies should focus on the continent, which objectively presents the most lucrative opportunities. The dialogue's first goal is more difficult but perhaps ultimately most important. In simple terms, South Africans need to recapture the dream of the Rainbow Nation, where poor people are not black, but simply poor people and where business is not white, but simply business. Even the Chapter 9 institutions created to promote equity and justice view pronouncements on race through the lens of past injustice, which is understandable but unhelpful in the context of our development challenges. South Africa needs to pursue a common citizenship and commitment to the future. Rekindling that non-racial vision could be the dialogue's largest contribution. But racial disparities in wealth, employment and education make this challenging, especially as race-based analyses have animated ANC breakaway parties, such as the Economic Freedom Fighters and the new uMkhonto Wesizwe party. Such analysis is also entrenched in most ANC factions. This does not mean sweeping the past under the carpet. But scratch deeply enough, and most countries have a brutal past. Ours is just more recent than most. How does South Africa forge a post-apartheid future when policies that are intended to promote inclusion undermine it? The National Dialogue's two objectives are closely linked. Only sustained, inclusive economic growth will allow us to deal with the results of our divided past and ameliorate its effects. To unlock growth, the country needs all hands on deck, particularly from those with the largest stock of education, wealth and access to finance. Unfortunately, given its shaky start, they are most likely to remain on the dialogue's periphery.


Daily Maverick
8 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Scores of South Africans retrenched by NGO processing Trump's Afrikaner ‘refugees'
The organisation that aims to bring Kenyan workers to South Africa to process Afrikaner 'refugees' bound for the US laid off more than 100 South Africans last year. Church World Service (CWS), the organisation tasked by the US State Department with processing Afrikaner 'refugees' for resettlement in the USA, retrenched about 100 workers in Pretoria in June last year. CWS is now applying for 'volunteer' visas from the Department of Home Affairs for about 30 Kenyan workers to come to South Africa to work on the Afrikaner resettlement project — raising the question of why it is not attempting instead to re-employ the locals it made redundant last year. Daily Maverick understands that the staffers, most of whom were South Africans, were retrenched when CWS closed its Resettlement Support Centre sub-office in Pretoria at the end of June 2024. CWS did not respond to Daily Maverick's repeated requests for comment. Office was in place from 2015 to 2024 'A new office in Pretoria, South Africa, enhances refugee support and programs to cover eight countries,' stated the CWS annual report in 2015. 'Working with the U.S. Department of State, we continue to increase the number of refugee cases in process each year, serving more than 40 countries in sub-Saharan Africa.' An old job ad confirmed that the office was based in Pretoria, and stated that it was tasked with 'the preparation of refugee case files for adjudication by US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officers, as well as the out-processing and cultural orientation of all approved cases'. The office's address was listed elsewhere as occupying premises on Fehrsen Street in Brooklyn, Pretoria. Daily Maverick understands that staff were informed midway through last year that the volumes of refugees being processed from sub-Saharan Africa were no longer high enough to warrant a permanent office presence in South Africa. That was, of course, when President Donald Trump's Afrikaner 'refugee' plan was not yet even a glimmer on the horizon. Tens of thousands of Afrikaners to be brought over Now, CWS finds itself in need of staff numbers to process the Afrikaner 'refugees' to be resettled — and a Reuters exclusive from last week makes it clear why it would need as many as 30 workers for the task. Reuters, through interviews with US officials, has determined that the Trump administration ultimately aims to bring potentially 30,000 Afrikaners for resettlement in the US. As far as is publicly known, only two groups of Afrikaner 'refugees' have thus far left for the US, with numbers probably not totalling more than 100. This means that the scale of the task ahead for CWS is considerable. Reuters also reported that the Trump administration looked set to admit only 40,000 refugees in total for the year ahead — meaning that fully 75% of the available US refugee spots would be reserved for Afrikaners. This news comes at a time when the US State Department has announced a stop to all visitor visas for individuals from Gaza — which had previously been used for emergency purposes to treat injured children — on the grounds that they could be used by Palestinian refugees. Afrikaner 'refugees' facing difficulties As Daily Maverick has reported, the Afrikaner 'refugees' in the first two resettlement groups have not always found the grass on the other side to be as green as they may have hoped. The Reuters exclusive fleshed out the picture, pointing out that after taking office, Trump slashed refugee benefits. Refugees had been eligible for cash and healthcare assistance for one year, but under Trump this has been reduced to four months. Reuters reported on an email sent by one Afrikaner family to the Department of Health and Human Services, which is responsible for the refugee programme on US soil. The family said they had found it impossible to secure a job without being issued a social security number, and that they had already spent $4,000 (more than R70,000) on food, transport and communications. Adults expected to take low-level menial jobs US public broadcaster NPR previously had sight of the documents given to the Afrikaner 'refugees' upon arrival. In it, they were told: 'You are expected to support yourself quickly in finding work.' It continued: 'Adults are expected to accept entry level employment in fields like warehousing, manufacturing, and customer service. You can work toward higher level employment over time.' DM