hūmānus and ARSPHR Launch Groundbreaking Rohingya Atrocities Archive, Continuing Mohibullah's Sacrificial Fight for Truth and Justice
LONDON, July 24, 2025 /PRNewswire/ — hūmānus and the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace & Human Rights (ARSPHR) announced the pivotal launch of the Rohingya Atrocities Archive, a groundbreaking digital repository. This powerful, meticulously curated platform stands as a testament to ARSPHR's tireless, community-driven documentation, initially gathered on handwritten notes and often precariously stored. In 2020, hūmānus initiated a critical project to painstakingly digitalise these vital records for safekeeping and in-depth analysis, supporting ARSPHR in cleaning the data, filling information gaps, and developing robust investigation strategies.
The archive directly continues the mission of Mohibullah, the courageous Rohingya advocate who was tragically assassinated in 2021. Known in the camps simply as 'Peace Father,' Mohibullah famously declared, 'If I die, it's okay. I will give my life for my community.' This dynamic, living archive embodies his unwavering commitment, detailing the profound violence, harm, and losses experienced by Rohingya families during the military operations of 2016 and 2017. It currently provides unprecedented access to over 3,000 cases, meticulously gathered through thousands of survivor testimonies – with information collected by name, ensuring that the documented experiences are acknowledged and remembered. Crucially, this archive is designed to be continuously updated with new evidence and testimonies, serving as an unflinching and evolving testament. It brings to light the harrowing and widespread atrocities through compelling testimony and raw visual documentation, offering profound and compelling insight into the systematic persecution and the urgent struggle for justice and accountability, presenting a formidable challenge to denial.
'The launch of the Rohingya Atrocities Archive is a monumental and urgent step in our collective fight against impunity. This archive is Mohibullah's legacy made manifest, meticulously preserving the brutal realities faced by the Rohingya people, individual by individual,' said Eva Buzo, Executive Director of hūmānus. 'By making this work publicly available, the community, for the first time, will see their own experience told by their own people. This is more than a database; it is a catalyst for justice, demanding action from the global community to honour Mohibullah's sacrifice and see his vision realised.'
'My father dedicated his life to ensuring the world knew the truth of what happened to our people, a truth that many tried to silence,' stated Hashmat Ullah, Mohibullah's son. 'This archive is a powerful continuation of his bravery, fulfilling his blueprint for change: documenting the truth, speaking out peacefully, staying rooted in community, and fighting for justice even when it's dangerous. It is a beacon of hope that through this undeniable evidence, justice will one day prevail for the Rohingya.'
The archive, a testament to ARSPHR's diligent, community-driven documentation, underscores the critical role of comprehensive evidence in atrocity prevention and response. It serves as a vital resource for legal proceedings, historical remembrance, and combating disinformation. Through this initiative, hūmānus proudly reinforces the global imperative to confront injustice and supports survivor-led efforts to secure tangible redress, aligning with its commitment to advancing human-centred justice and carrying forward Mohibullah's vision of a future where the Rohingya can live freely in their homeland with equal rights.
About hūmānus: hūmānus is an international human rights organisation dedicated to advancing inclusive, survivor-led, and transformative justice for victims of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Founded by experienced advocates and international lawyers, hūmānus works across continents to confront injustice, build evidence, and provide strategic litigation and advocacy support, always grounded in accountability, dignity, and a commitment to restoring humanity.
Website: www.humanus.co
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About the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace & Human Rights (ARSPHR): ARSPHR was founded by the late Mohibullah in 2017 to provide Rohingya refugees a platform to document their stories and advocate for their rights. It continues his work of community-wide documentation, leadership, and advocacy on the world stage, building a powerful, community-centred coalition dedicated to peace and human rights.
Website: https://arsphr.org/
Rohingya Atrocities Archive
Photo: https://mma.prnewswire.com/media/2737540/humanus_ARSPHR.jpgLogo: https://mma.prnewswire.com/media/2722675/5429672/Humanus_Logo.jpgLogo: https://mma.prnewswire.com/media/2737539/ARSPHR_logo.jpg
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The Star
13 hours ago
- The Star
Trump team hears pitches on access to Myanmar's rare earths
WASHINGTON/BANGKOK: The Trump administration has heard competing proposals that would significantly alter longstanding US policy toward Myanmar, with the aim of diverting its vast supplies of rare earth minerals away from strategic rival China, four people with direct knowledge of the discussions said. Nothing has been decided and experts say there are huge logistical obstacles, but if the ideas are ever acted upon, Washington may need to strike a deal with the ethnic rebels controlling most of Myanmar's rich deposits of heavy rare earths. Among the proposals are one advocating talks with Myanmar's ruling junta to get a peace deal with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) rebels and another calling for the US to instead work directly with the KIA without engaging the junta. Washington has avoided direct talks with the country's military leaders following their overthrow of the country's democratically elected government in 2021. The ideas have been proposed to administration officials by a US business lobbyist, a former adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, in indirect talks with the KIA and some outside experts, the sources said. The conversations have not previously been reported. Rare earths are a group of 17 metals used to make magnets that turn power into motion. So-called heavy rare earths are used to build fighter jets and other high-performance weaponry. The US produces very small amounts of heavy rare earths and is reliant on imports. Securing supplies of the minerals is a major focus of the Trump administration in its strategic competition with China, which is responsible for nearly 90 per cent of global processing capacity, according to the International Energy Agency. Engaging the junta would be a sharp departure for the United States, given US sanctions on the military leaders and the violence committed against the Rohingya minority that Washington calls genocide and crimes against humanity. Last week, the Trump administration lifted sanctions designations on several junta allies, but US officials said this does not indicate any broader shift in US policy toward Myanmar. The ideas pitched to the US administration also include easing US President Donald Trump's threatened 40 per cent tariffs on the country, pulling back sanctions against the junta and its allies, working with India to process some heavy rare earths exported from Myanmar, and appointing a special envoy to execute these tasks, people familiar with the matter said. Some of these suggestions were discussed in a July 17 meeting in Vice President J. D. Vance's offices that included Adam Castillo, a former head of the American Chamber of Commerce in Myanmar who runs a security firm in the country, a person close to Vance's office said. Among those present were advisers to Vance on Asian affairs and trade. Vance himself did not attend, the source said. Castillo told Reuters he suggested to US officials that the United States could play a peace-broker role in Myanmar and urged Washington to take a page out of China's playbook by first brokering a bilateral self-governance deal between the Myanmar military and the KIA. Myanmar's ruling junta and the KIA did not respond to a request for comment. While Vance's office declined to comment on Castillo's visit to the White House, one person familiar with the situation said the Trump administration has been reviewing policy on Myanmar since Trump's January inauguration and had weighed direct discussions with the junta over trade and tariffs. The White House declined to comment. The White House discussions were described as exploratory and in early stages by people familiar with them, who added the talks may result in no shift in strategy at all by Trump, given the administration's wariness about intervening in foreign conflicts and in Myanmar's complex crisis. "The officials took this meeting as a courtesy to the American business community and to support President Trump's efforts to balance the US$579 (million) trade deficit with Burma," a senior administration official said when asked about the July 17 meeting. Castillo, who describes Myanmar's rare earth deposits as China's "golden goose," said he told US officials that key ethnic armed groups - particularly the KIA - were tired of being exploited by China and wanted to work with the United States. Mines in Myanmar's Kachin region are major producers of heavy rare earths that are exported to China for processing. He said he had repeatedly urged officials in Washington to pursue a deal with the KIA that includes cooperation with US partners in the Quad grouping - specifically India - for resource processing and eventual heavy rare earths supply to the United States. The so-called Quad grouping brings together the United States with India, as well as Australia and Japan. India's Ministry of Mines did not respond to an email seeking comment. An Indian government official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said he was unaware of whether the Trump administration had communicated any such plan to India but stressed that such a move would take several years to materialise because it would require infrastructure to be built for processing rare earths. Another pitch to the White House was more in line with the Myanmar policy Trump inherited from former President Joe Biden. Sean Turnell, an Australian economist and former adviser to Suu Kyi, whose government the junta toppled in 2021, said his rare earths proposal was to encourage the Trump administration to continue supporting Myanmar's democratic forces. In a visit to Washington earlier this year, Turnell said he met with officials from the State Department, the White House National Security Council and Congress, and urged continued support for the country's opposition. "One of the pitches was that the US could access rare earths via KIA etc," he said, adding that the group wants to diversify away from China. There have also been multiple discussions between US officials and the Kachin rebel group on rare earths through interlocutors in recent months, said a person with knowledge of the talks, which have not previously been reported. In the years since the coup, Myanmar has been ravaged by civil war and the junta and its allies have been pushed out of much of the country's borderlands, including the rare earths mining belt currently under control of the KIA. A rare earths industry source said that US officials had reached out around three months ago, following the Kachin takeover of the Chipwe-Pangwa mining belt, to ask for an overview of the Kachin rare earths mining industry. The person added that any new, major rare earths supply chain, which would require moving the minerals out of remote and mountainous Kachin State into India and onward, may not be feasible. Swedish author Bertil Lintner, a leading expert on Kachin State, said the idea of the United States obtaining rare earths from Myanmar from under the nose of China seemed "totally crazy" given the unforgiving mountainous terrain and primitive logistics. "If they want to transport the rare earths from these mines, which are all on the Chinese border, to India, there's only one road," Lintner said. "And the Chinese would certainly step in and stop it." For its part, the junta appears eager to engage with Washington after years of isolation. When Trump threatened new tariffs on Myanmar's US-bound exports this month as part of his global trade offensive, he did so in a signed letter addressed personally to the junta's chief, Min Aung Hlaing. Min Aung Hlaing responded by lavishing praise on Trump for his "strong leadership" while asking for lower rates and the lifting of sanctions. He said he was ready to send a negotiating team to Washington, if needed. Senior Trump administration officials said the decision to lift some sanctions was unrelated to the general's letter. - Reuters
Malay Mail
16 hours ago
- Malay Mail
The lowest hanging fruit of peace yet the most difficult to manage: On the Thai-Cambodian conflict — Phar Kim Beng
JULY 29 — At first glance, the simmering conflict along the Thai-Cambodian border appears manageable. It is a border dispute between two Asean member states with a shared history, rich cultural heritage, and long-standing diplomatic ties. Yet, paradoxically, it has become one of the most explosive challenges Asean has faced since the historic Bali Summit in 1976. What should be the lowest hanging fruit of peace-making has morphed into a geopolitical conundrum, threatening the very principle that underpins Asean unity: peaceful resolution of disputes. All ten member states of Asean, alongside Strategic Dialogue Partners such as the United States and China, are unequivocal in their desire to see peace restored in the region. From Laos, the former Chair of Asean, to Malaysia, the current Chair, and the Philippines, the incoming Chair in 2026, there is no dissent. The consensus is clear: peace must prevail in Indo-China. All ten member states of Asean, alongside Strategic Dialogue Partners such as the United States and China, are unequivocal in their desire to see peace restored in the region. — Reuters pic Unlike the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, or Yemen—where the lines of contestation are deeply entangled with ideological schisms, proxy rivalries, and regional realignments—the Thai-Cambodian conflict is, on paper, one of the easiest to resolve. The lives of over 80,000 people, uprooted and traumatized across both sides of the border, could be spared further agony if only both sides would agree to an unconditional ceasefire, regardless of who fired first. Indeed, on July 26, the second day of the conflict, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, in his capacity as Asean Chair, issued a forthright call for both Thailand and Cambodia to 'cease and desist' from further armed confrontation. Remarkably, the guns did fall silent—for a brief hour—before being replaced by a renewed barrage of shelling. That fleeting pause highlights the tragedy of this conflict: the possibility of peace is within reach, yet the political and military calculus on both sides appears to be steering in the opposite direction. What makes this episode so confounding is the apparent disregard for Asean's foundational principles, especially the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), which explicitly enshrines that 'force shall not be an instrument of foreign policy.' Thailand, as a founding member of Asean, and Cambodia, a member since 1999 after a harrowing civil war, are both bound by these norms. Their repeated skirmishes—most notably in 2008 and 2011 over the ancient temple of Preah Vihear—ought to have served as cautionary tales. Instead, the current escalation suggests a regression from the diplomatic maturity Asean prides itself on. The situation becomes even more perplexing with reports that Thailand's navy—stationed some 750 kilometers away from the 817-kilometre border—is being mobilized in the Gulf of Thailand. What strategic rationale underpins this naval involvement in a land-based conflict? It raises more questions than answers. At the core of this conflict may lie something deceptively mundane: maps. Cambodia maintains that the proper reference should be colonial-era maps at a scale of 1:200,000—maps once accepted by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 1962 when it awarded Preah Vihear temple to Cambodia, though it remained silent on adjacent territories. Thailand, especially its military, insists on a more granular scale of 1:50,000, arguing for higher precision. In this cartographic divergence lies a gaping chasm, one that fuels military posturing and nationalist fervor. Despite these technical disputes, there is no reason this conflict should escalate into a prolonged confrontation. Anwar Ibrahim's diplomatic efforts—backed by the U.S., China, and the European Union—are not just timely but imperative. That China, despite its complex history with Cambodia, has agreed to observe rather than interfere, is a significant endorsement of Asean's centrality. Equally critical is the support of the Philippines and Singapore, the next two Chairs of Asean, who must now prepare to uphold and sustain any ceasefire framework or de-escalation architecture built in Kuala Lumpur. The stakes are high. If this conflict drags on, by the time Thailand assumes the Asean Chair in 2028, there may be no impartial third-party mediator left within Asean to arbitrate. A Chair embroiled in an active territorial dispute will compromise the credibility of Asean's conflict-resolution mechanisms and the very notion of Asean centrality itself. Yet, there are encouraging signs. The current alignment of international support around Malaysia's chairmanship has revived the concept of an Asean Troika—where the previous, current, and incoming chairs work together to manage crises. This tripartite mechanism, often dormant in Asean diplomacy, is now being deployed effectively, with Kuala Lumpur at the helm. That this initiative has the consent of Washington and Beijing, not to mention Brussels, demonstrates rare multilateral consensus in a region often caught in the crosshairs of great power rivalry. However, prudence is necessary. While Thailand's military may have the right to respond to incursions or casualties, it must now prioritize international mediation, disarmament, and transparency. Cambodia, led by Senate President Hun Sen and Prime Minister Hun Manet, must also accept that war is a luxury Phnom Penh can ill afford. With its forces outmanned and outgunned, prolonging the conflict would be strategically suicidal and economically ruinous. The upcoming Kuala Lumpur Summit between Thai and Cambodian leaders is thus critical. Not only must it forge an immediate ceasefire, but it must also establish a timeline for demilitarization and third-party verification. Both sides must rein in their respective militaries, whose operational independence risks dragging both nations into a conflict neither wants nor can sustain. The unresolved legacies of colonial cartography and nationalist pride must not be allowed to eclipse the hard-won stability Asean has nurtured since 1967. If managed well, this could be Asean's finest hour. If not, it could mark the beginning of its irrelevance. Peace is indeed the lowest hanging fruit in this crisis, but as history has shown time and again, it is often the most difficult one to pluck. *This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Malay Mail
16 hours ago
- Malay Mail
A delicate and decisive step towards a ceasefire on the Thai and Cambodian frontline — Phar Kim Beng
JULY 29 — The corridor of diplomacy is never short of symbolic breakthroughs. But occasionally, it offers more than gestures—it opens the door to real possibilities for peace. Such was the case on July 28, 2025, in Putrajaya, where Malaysia's Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim hosted a high-stakes special meeting between Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thailand's Acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai. The world watched with bated breath but it has also found much succor that some forms of military de-escalation are possible. This, what emerged from that encounter in Putrajaya, the administrative capital of Malaysia, may not be a final resolution writ large—granted this is a historical feud—but it is undoubtedly a delicate and decisive step forward. In a region where border flare-ups are often left to fester or quietly extinguished by backroom diplomacy, this was a moment of strategic transparency and calibrated cooperation. The meeting, co-organized with the participation of the United States and the People's Republic of China, where the latter was a keen Observer and responsible stakeholder, produced something seldom achieved so quickly in the midst of rising hostilities: a mutual pledge to immediately halt all military activity. The ceasefire agreement—set to take effect by the end of that day—reflects the seriousness with which both Cambodia and Thailand have decided to de-escalate. What makes this moment especially promising is not merely the ceasefire itself, but the careful architecture built around it to ensure accountability and communication. How ? There is now a clearly defined system of coordination in place. On the military front, regional commanders from both sides—those operating closest to the flashpoints—will hold face-to-face discussions to ensure the ceasefire holds at the operational level. These formal and informal meetings signal a shift from confrontation to collaboration, allowing military actors to communicate directly rather than through politicized or delayed national channels. Commanders can talk to commanders to halt the violence while the capitals and the world will back them. Simultaneously, the foreign and defense ministers of all three countries—Malaysia, Cambodia, and Thailand—have been instructed to formulate a detailed mechanism for the implementation and verification of the ceasefire. This will likely involve daily reporting, neutral observation, and clearly outlined rules of engagement. Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim (centre) mediates a ceasefire deal between Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet (left) and Thailand's Acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai (right) in Putrajaya on July 28, 2025 to ease escalating tensions following an armed confrontation between the two South-east Asian countries. — Bernama pic The political and military chain of command are therefore engaged in parallel with the Cambodian and Thai military, reinforcing the ceasefire from both the top and bottom of the security architecture. As President Donald Trump of the United States has further warned. If the guns do not go silent, come August 1, Thailand and Cambodia will not get a "trade deal" to reduce the high tariffs with which the US is about to impose on them. For the sake of their national interest, the military and political elites of Cambodia and Thailand should take heed. Malaysia has yet to reach a deal with the US yet. But Anwar has taken his vital time off his packed schedule, too, to help both sides make peace. Perhaps most importantly, both Phnom Penh and Bangkok have agreed to resume direct communication between their respective Prime Ministers, Foreign Ministers, and Defense Ministers. This step not only restores trust but also institutionalizes it. Direct lines of communication reduce the risk of miscalculation and create space for longer-term dialogue to stabilize the 817 KM border that separates them. On the multilateral side, a crucial meeting of the General Border Committee is scheduled to take place in the coming days. Cambodia will host this meeting, which should serve as the first formal platform to stabilize the ceasefire and propose future cooperation on unresolved border demarcation issues. Malaysia, as Chair of Asean, has offered to coordinate a neutral observer team to monitor implementation on the ground. This is no small offer, given the Chair's centrality in Asean's consensus-based diplomacy and the credibility it carries within the region. Notably, both the United States and China have endorsed and participated in this process. President Donald Trump has indeed reportedly communicated directly with both leaders, urging them toward peace. It is unique that the US has offered itself to ameliorate the tensions between Cambodia and Thailand without being intimidated by how complex the situation on the ground is. China, meanwhile, has remained in constant contact with all key actors and supports the broader effort to reestablish normalcy. That these two great powers—often at odds in Southeast Asia—can find common ground with the Chair of Asean, therein Anwar, on this issue reinforces how high the stakes are for regional peace and stability. Yet despite this rare alignment of interests, the situation remains fragile. Ceasefires are only as strong as the discipline of those tasked with enforcing them. Border skirmishes can reignite from a single misfire, especially when nationalism, historical grievances, or digital misinformation stoke the flames. That is why the establishment of a joint mechanism for verification, supported by Asean observers, is essential. Without it, peace could prove elusive. Kuala Lumpur has therefore not only offered a space for resolution—it has provided a blueprint for how peace might take root. The architecture is sound: military-to-military dialogue, ministerial coordination, resumed political communication, regional oversight, and great power buy-in. But these are only frameworks. The true test will come in how each actor chooses to honour the commitments made in Malaysia's capital. In the weeks ahead, the spotlight will remain fixed on Cambodia and Thailand, but also on Malaysia as the steward of Asean's moral and strategic leadership. This is a chance not only to prevent further loss of life but also to reaffirm the region's commitment to peaceful coexistence, diplomacy, and responsible statecraft. If the momentum gained in Kuala Lumpur can be maintained, this ceasefire may become something more than just a pause—it may become the first page in a new chapter of regional stability. * Phar Kim Beng is professor of Asean Studies at IIUM and director of the Institute of Internationalization and Asean Studies ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
