Ripples spread across the world after US strikes Iran's nuclear facilities at Fordo, Natanz, and Isfahan
Trump Calls It a 'Spectacular Success'
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Iran Threatens Retaliation, Closes Strait of Hormuz
Gulf States on Alert, Europe Calls for Restraint
Russia and China Condemn Strikes, Israel Praises Action
Global Watch: IAEA, DHS React
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In the Iran-Israel conflict, the United States launched airstrikes on Iran's key nuclear sites at Fordo, Natanz, and Isfahan in the early hours of Sunday. Using bunker-busting bombs, the US strikes mark a dangerous escalation, raising fears of a wider war in the Middle East.Announcing the airstrikes, US President Donald Trump said: 'Iran's key nuclear enrichment facilities have been completely and totally obliterated. Iran, the bully of the Middle East, must now make peace' or face more devastating attacks.US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth added: 'The president authorised a precision operation to neutralise the threats to our national interests posed by the Iranian nuclear programme.'Despite the aggressive move, the Pentagon said the US was not seeking full-scale war with Iran.Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi responded strongly: 'There would be no return to diplomacy until it had retaliated.'Iran's Parliament has approved a closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a key waterway through which 20% of the world's oil passes. The final decision rests with Iran's Supreme National Security Council.'The US showed they have no respect for international law. They only understand the language of threat and force,' Araghchi said in Istanbul, calling for the UN Security Council to condemn the attack.Countries across the Gulf, including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain, raised their security levels. Bahrain warned drivers to avoid main roads, while Kuwait opened emergency shelters. Nuclear safety agencies in the UAE and Saudi Arabia reported no signs of radiation.In Europe, Britain, France, and Germany jointly said: 'We have consistently been clear that Iran can never have a nuclear weapon and can no longer pose a threat to regional security.'They urged Iran to return to talks, offering to help find a solution.'We stand ready to contribute to that goal in coordination with all parties.'Russia and China issued strong condemnations of the US strikes.But Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu said: 'Trump's decision to target Iran's nuclear facilities with the awesome and righteous might of the US will change history.'Shortly after the US airstrikes, Iran fired more missiles at Israel, injuring many in Tel Aviv and destroying buildings. However, Iran has not yet attacked US military bases or tried to block oil exports completely, signs it may be trying to avoid total war.The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) said no rise in radiation had been detected. Its head, Rafael Mariano Grossi, called an emergency meeting of the board.A US Department of Homeland Security alert warned of a 'heightened threat environment' within the country following the strikes.While satellite images showed damage above Fordo and nearby entrances, it is unclear how much of the underground site was hit. Iran reportedly moved some enriched uranium out before the bombing.Inputs from agencies
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India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
Regime change? Trump says it's inevitable if leaders fail to make Iran great again
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India Today
an hour ago
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Indian Express
an hour ago
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Shubhajit Roy: One of the key elements that the two sides decided to work on was defence and security partnerships. What are the next steps going forward? The key pillars of this new strategic agenda are trade and economy, security and defence, technology, mobility and global partnerships, including connectivity. Arguably, security and defence were not so much in the landscape a few years ago. But, now we are a continent at war. There is an aggressor that decided to launch a war of choice on a sovereign country which is really a European neighbour. And that sent shockwaves through our system. In security and defence, the EU collectively has increased its expenditures by 30 per cent, between 2021 and 2024. Now it's about $350 billion. Looking at strategic and defence partnerships, the authorisation to have one with India is on the table of the Council and we are confident that will be authorised. This is what I call the political pathway. Shubhajit Roy: The Trade and Technology Council (TTC) is a new mechanism between India and the EU. Is there a possibility of technological transfer or partnership? If FTA (free trade agreement) is the game changer in terms of creating the environment, TTC is the upscaler. What the College visit to India has meant is a sharper focus on certain key supply chains, semiconductors, AI, space and biotech. Arguably, some of them are dual use. But what we are working on with India is really on the civilian part. The EU has a 300 billion plan called Invest AI and we are keen to develop cooperation. The human-centred approach of AI resonates quite well with the EU approach. We have differences, but I think there is a norm. Shubhajit Roy: What are the differences? It has to do with the ecosystem. It's the way you sort of leverage your own champions, the way you develop your ecosystem. We probably have a similar concern that big tech defines the rules of the game. But harnessing the different elements of our respective ecosystems and understanding the kind of protocols we are developing is interesting. Shubhajit Roy: On the FTA, how close or far are India and EU from concluding this particular agreement? This is the only way to bring the two economic constituencies together. It would, probably, be the largest-ever FTA India will conclude. For the EU, it's more or less the same. Since we are at different levels of development, the complexity of the negotiation is significant. There is so much determination on both sides to have it done. Just look at the pace of negotiating rounds. The next one is on July 7 in Brussels. Shubhajit Roy: The UK has beaten the EU on the FTA with India. The US is saying it will conclude it within the next month or so, before July 9. Is the EU lagging behind? Is it a race? Honestly, I prefer to be slower but bring larger goodies than being fast and having a small bag. What is important is not about being fast and furious, but resolute and substantial, for both constituencies. Europeans are not necessarily the sexiest or the most fun, but we are steady. We are reliable, we are predictable, and these days, these kinds of qualities have a higher value than before. So indeed, we may be a bit slower, we are a bit bureaucratic, we are not shining, but at the end of the day, we deliver. And all the FTAs we have signed have delivered positively for both sides. We are not in a zero-sum game, we are in a positive-sum game. And that is characteristic of our FTAs. On Israel-Iran conflict | Israel has a right to protect itself. That they have taken this rather dramatic action is serious. The only way to bring us away from the brink is the diplomatic track. But the onus is on Iran Shubhajit Roy: How confident are you that the US negotiations will lead to an agreement between Russia and Ukraine to end the war? The EU has made its position very clear. We support President (Donald) Trump's efforts for a ceasefire. But what has become abundantly clear is that Russia is stalling and is not engaging seriously and earnestly in any peace arrangement. They want to stay. For us, this is in blatant violation of the UN charter and it represents a threat to our security interests. So, if there is a serious peace process that is in place, we will engage. And, of course, we want the Ukrainians to be part. This is where the initiative of President Trump has created a space. But what we've seen in the last month is that Russia doesn't come to the table or comes to the table with deflecting arguments. We will continue to support peace efforts and Ukraine's right to defend itself. There's 135 billion Euro worth of assistance that have been channelled towards Ukraine, micro-financial assistance, humanitarian aid, military assistance. We will continue to try to degrade the war economy of Russia. We had the 18th package that has just been presented. And we believe that these sanctions are biting. Rakesh Sinha: You are well-versed in Middle Eastern affairs. Where is the Iran-Israel conflict headed? The sober lesson for anyone working with the Middle East is: It's always the same, but every time it's getting worse. This is really bringing us to the brink. The EU is also part of the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), an agreement that offered a framework to address the single-most concerning issue of Iran developing a nuclear programme for military purposes. Sadly, Iran has not used that framework to ensure its compliance with the International Atomic Energy Agency, with the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and has shown no respect for the benchmarks that have been set. It's Iran who closed the door on diplomacy and put itself in this situation. Now, clearly, the window for diplomacy has narrowed. It doesn't mean that this should not be tried. The EU statement, at G7, was clear that Iran has to get back to the negotiating table. Israel took action. This is a fact. We have stated very clearly that Israel has a right to protect itself. That they have taken this rather dramatic action is serious. The only way to bring us away from the brink is the diplomatic track. But the onus is on Iran. Ravi Dutta Mishra: Under the EU's 18th sanctions package on Russia, Europe has decided to stop importing refined Russian petroleum via third countries. India exported over $20 billion worth of refined petroleum to the EU in FY24. What is your take on India-EU relations in light of these sanctions? When the EU decided to take action against Russia through sanctions, they were designed to minimise the impact on fuel, fertilisers, and food. We wanted the sanctions to affect Russia, not others. That's why we imposed a price cap on oil rather than a ban. India is a net importer of oil, and we never blamed India for importing Russian crude. However, when it comes to refined products derived from Russian crude oil, perhaps, economic operators acted opportunistically. But from the EU's perspective, our policy has always been clear: we will not import Russian oil, whether crude or refined. These sanctions are not directed against India; they are part of a blanket policy. Those who made money during these years — good for them — but this opportunity will no longer exist. Ravi Dutta Mishra: Europe and Indian negotiators are talking about carbon tax. Will there be a middle ground? I have come to discover that Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is one of the most-known acronyms in India. First, CBAM is not a trade measure. It is not part of trade and FTA. It's about compliance with our climate agenda to accelerate decarbonisation. It applies to our European economic actors. This is a societal and political choice of the EU. If you want to do business in Europe, you cannot import carbon. On Russia-Ukraine conflict | We support President Trump's efforts for a ceasefire. But what is clear is that Russia is stalling and is not engaging seriously and earnestly in any peace arrangement. They want to stay We reached out to Indian businesses last year, to medium and small enterprises. They will now have what they called a mass volume. Instead of going through every single transaction, it'll be treated in bulk. You have a sort of mass, 50 tons of carbon, when you are below that, you don't do anything. We also heard that Indian businesses see decarbonisation as the way forward. No one wants to be stuck in a high-carbon content industry because it's a story of the past, it's not the story of the future. What you see in India is actually a very bullish approach with technological solutions that will help decarbonisation. Nikhil Ghanekar: A few weeks ago, Commerce minister (Piyush) Goyal spoke about a retaliatory tariff to this non-barrier tariff. Would you like to weigh in on what he said on CBAM, that he won't accept it and there will be retaliation? The EU will not carry out exceptions for anyone. On one end, we have the FTA and on the other end, we have CBAM, an instrument of acceleration of decarbonisation. We are truly impressed by what India is doing in decarbonising its economy and its industry. Not any people realise the kind of challenges India is facing in ramping up and developing its economy while at the same time decarbonising. The leader of a big cement company in India was explaining to me how he's developing or importing a technology to ensure that his cement will have 60 per cent less carbon content. I'm quite confident that India will embrace the path of decarbonisation and it will do great. Rinku Ghosh: You are looking to expand your trade volume with India and make it an alternative supply chain. China is one of your biggest trade partners, so are their anxieties about the India-China dynamic? China is one of our largest trade partners. But it's a trade which runs with over $300 billion deficit. And that is a cause of concern for the EU, the same way India has over $100 billion trade deficit with China. So we're engaging and expecting concrete deeds from China to rebalance the market distortion. The second talking point with China is its support to Russia in the war. We are telling them that it cannot be business as usual if these two things are not addressed. In parallel, we are in the business of increasing diversification because every shock we have faced in the past has shown that whether Covid or wars or China, it is not a good policy to be over-dependent on one single provider. This is also a positive element in the EU-India equation. If India can ramp up the production of photovoltaic panels, of legacy microchips at competitive prices, the world will be better for everyone. Saptarshi Basak: Why does the West not hold Netanyahu to the same standard as Vladimir Putin? As Ambassador, I can only stand by the statements that have been made by the EU. We have not condoned or encouraged these strikes. The fact that Israel, on its own, has decided to strike Iran and precisely because of the consequential nature of these strikes, makes the case for diplomacy even more compelling. This is the single-most important objective today. It's not about qualifying the actions of one or the other, it's really to bring diplomacy on track. On India-EU FTA I prefer to be slower but bring larger goodies than being fast and having a small bag. All the FTAs we have signed have delivered positively for both sides. We are in a positive-sum game Arjun Sengupta: What do you think of the situation in Gaza? Is Europe in some way complicit with Israel's actions? The concerns expressed by the EU regarding the plight of the Palestinian population in the Gaza Strip, is clear, which is repeatedly engaging with Israel, directly discussing with the US to ask Israel to be compliant with international humanitarian law. There is a Foreign Affairs Council shortly, where there will be a review on whether Israel has been compliant with international law. At this point in time, what I can say for sure is that the dramatic developments in Gaza have been fully registered, and for the first time, the question of the suspension of the association agreement between the EU and Israel is on the table, but the first step is the review of evidence. Shubhajit Roy: On the India-Pakistan tensions last month, how concerned were you then and now about any possible sort of escalation in future? On the EU side, there is an understanding of Operation Sindoor as a consequence to the act of terror, of abject attack on civilians. And the way this terror attack was conducted, it was not just to take lives but to inflict pain and create ground for polarisation. The EU recognises India's right to defend itself and are engaging to bring the parties to a ceasefire. We are not in the business of mediation. We are passing on the message that the risk of escalation has to be considered. Now it's for the two parties to engage, to find ways to bring the situation to a level of stability that can benefit not only the two countries but also the region. We have relations with India which are profound, dense, strategic and forward-looking. We also have relations with Pakistan which are certainly not on the same level. We just had a dialogue with Pakistan on non-proliferation, on security and are engaging with them in the fight against terrorism.
