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Border slowdown: Nearly 289K fewer vehicles crossed Ambassador Bridge so far this year

Border slowdown: Nearly 289K fewer vehicles crossed Ambassador Bridge so far this year

CTV Newsa day ago

Border traffic has fallen across the country. CTV Windsor's Travis Fortnum explains.
Weekend trips to Detroit. Baseball games. Target runs. They're all taking a hit as Canadians rethink crossing the border.
New numbers show a sharp drop in cross-border traffic through Windsor this year, part of a wider shift in travel habits fueled by political tension, border scrutiny, and a growing urge to spend money at home.
From January through April: 1,731,091 vehicles crossed the Ambassador Bridge — that's 286,673 fewer than the same period in 2024, according to the Bridge and Tunnel Operators Association (BTOA).
Passenger cars alone were down by 55,020; truck traffic dropped 176,875.
At the Detroit-Windsor Tunnel, the dip is more modest — a year-to-date decline of 19,068 vehicles, with 6,581 fewer passenger cars than last year.
The slowdown, felt at crossings across Canada, is being driven by what the Customs and Immigration Union calls a growing reluctance among Canadians to visit the U.S.
'They're worried about the scrutiny they're going to face specifically going into the U.S.,' said Union President Mark Weber.
He said front-line CBSA officers are seeing fewer Canadians return — not because they're stuck — but because they're not going in the first place.
'Staffing-wise, it's actually been to our benefit,' Weber added.
'We're pretty short-staffed generally, so we've seen a little bit of an easing up on overtime demands.'
CBSA tells CTV News it hasn't scaled back staffing despite the slowdown.
At the Windsor-Detroit Tunnel, weekday numbers are still strong — thanks to commuters.
But leisure travel is clearly down.
'Normally, Saturday morning, Sunday morning, around 10 or 11 a.m., we'd be backed up,' said Tunnel CEO Tal Czudner. 'Now? That's when you're seeing the big drops … less discretionary travel, which I think speaks to keeping your money here.'
CBSA data for the final week of May (May 25-31) puts that trend in sharp focus.
Only 372,037 Canadian land travellers re-entered from the U.S., down from 534,598 during the same week last year.
That's a drop of 162,561 people.
And it may be just the beginning.
Summer staycations?
A new Conference Board of Canada report finds fewer Canadians are making plans to travel into the U.S. at all.
Just 27.1 per cent say they're likely to visit the States in the next few years — down from 53.2 per cent last fall.
The think tank estimates that shift could redirect up to $8.8 billion into Canada's domestic tourism sector this year — as more Canadians cancel U.S. trips and stay closer to home.
At the same time, American visitors to Canada are also declining, with a 10.7 per cent drop in land arrivals in April.
But the net effect, experts say, is still a win for Canada's tourism industry, since Canadians spend far more abroad than tourists spend here.
So as summer approaches, Windsor's border crossings may feel a little quieter — but tourism hotspots across Canada may be in for a louder season than expected.

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'We are very nimble': Calgary mayor keeps door open to G7 white hatting
'We are very nimble': Calgary mayor keeps door open to G7 white hatting

CBC

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  • CBC

'We are very nimble': Calgary mayor keeps door open to G7 white hatting

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Bank of Canada head Tiff Macklem says mandate should evolve in a ‘shock-prone' world
Bank of Canada head Tiff Macklem says mandate should evolve in a ‘shock-prone' world

CTV News

time23 minutes ago

  • CTV News

Bank of Canada head Tiff Macklem says mandate should evolve in a ‘shock-prone' world

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After the COVID-19 pandemic recovery ignited inflation, the central bank's rapid tightening cycle and subsequent rate cuts were top-line news for anxious Canadians stressed about rising prices and borrowing costs. That was all in pursuit of meeting the central bank's inflation target of two per cent, part of a mandate from the federal government that's up for review next year. Macklem said the past few years have led the Bank of Canada to scrutinize some of its metrics, like core inflation and how it responds to supply shocks in the economy. But he defends keeping the bank's inflation target, particularly at a time of global upheaval. 'Our flexible inflation targeting framework has just been through the biggest test it's ever had in the 30 years since we announced the inflation target,' he said. 'I'm not going to pretend it's been an easy few years for anybody. But I think the framework has performed well.' Macklem said, however, that he sees room to build out the mandate to address other areas of concern from Canadians, such as housing affordability. Whether it's the high cost of rent or a mortgage, or surging prices for groceries and vehicles, Macklem said the past few years have been eye-opening to Canadians who weren't around the last time inflation hit double digits in the 1980s. 'Unfortunately, a whole new generation of Canadians now know what inflation feels like, and they didn't like it one bit,' he said. Monetary policy itself can't make homes more affordable, he noted — in a nutshell, high interest rates make mortgages more expensive while low rates can push up the price of housing itself because they stoke demand. But Macklem said one of the things he's reflecting on is that inflation can get worse when the economy isn't operating at its potential or when it's facing great disruption. 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This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 7, 2025. Craig Lord, The Canadian Press

The party is over. It's time to embrace a postparty system of governance
The party is over. It's time to embrace a postparty system of governance

Globe and Mail

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The party is over. It's time to embrace a postparty system of governance

David Berlin is an author, the former editor of the Literary Review of Canada and the founding editor of The Walrus magazine. He led The Bridge Party of Canada, which ran in the 2016 federal election. With uncanny prescience, as though peering into a crystal ball, America's first president, George Washington, anticipated and warned against the rise of the 45th and 47th U.S. president, Donald Trump. In his Farewell Address to the Nation, published in 1796, Washington predicted that 'sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.' Such a chief will not have attained power illegitimately – by coup d'état or secession – but by the usual shenanigans which pave a political party's path to glory. But Washington is very clear about where the fault lies: It lies not with the chief but with the 'spirit of party' which inevitably produces such a leader. The villain is the party system which 'agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasional riots and insurrection and opens the door to foreign influence and corruption.' The only way to avoid the rise of a leader inclined in the direction of a 'frightful despotism' is to prevent the 'spirit of party' from ever taking hold. Had he been around these days, America's founding father would have undoubtedly railed against the facile notion that parties and party leaders do no more than mirror, reflect and represent underlying societal tensions and differences. They do no such thing. Parties exacerbate and exploit such differences. Unlike virtually all other institutions, the party system thrives by dividing. It is polarizing by design. It should perhaps be noted that the invidious 'spirit of party' does not necessarily apply equally to every party system, at least not with the same force. The augmented Westminster model which Canadians have proffered, and the rise of a multiparty system, inoculated Canada from the full impact of a crazy-making polarization which is now bringing America close to a constitutional crisis. In Canada, throughout history, the two major parties differed very little on crucial questions. Their conception of power was almost identical. Both parties treated patronage as the lifeblood of the party, both traded favours for votes. For a long time, both parties respected one another's accomplishments. But such mutual respect is no longer the case. Canada, today, is far more vulnerable to the poison of partisan politics than many Canadians suspect. Consider that in the past election, the difference between Mark Carney's Liberals, who received 8,564,200 votes, and Pierre Poilievre's Conservative Party, which clocked in at 8,086,051 was 2.4 per cent. And it is not at all clear that the relations between the Liberals and the Conservatives are all that much better than the relations between Democrats and Republicans in the United States. Editorial board: Democracy is messy, and that's a good thing But even if Canada manages to resist the full force of what Quebec City mayor Joseph Cauchon, in 1865, called the 'miserable spirit of party,' and even if we manage to work around Mr. Trump's tariffs and threats and somehow survive the new world disorder which the current American administration is disseminating, there is still a good argument to be made for undertaking efforts to get us over political parties – to get us to a postparty system of governance. Many young Canadian activists are designing and experimenting with sophisticated and scalable manners of reviving versions of direct democracy. Vancouver-based Ethelo, for example, is developing a consensus-building platform which invites users to vote on granulated issues, challenge one another and review unexplored assumptions. Users are given ample opportunity to consider issues which are flagged by one party or another and those which are summarily ignored or buried by campaigns. Votes on the platform are 'weighted' as a display of each voter's priorities. The results are tabulated to produce 'the people's platform,' which is not a poll or survey but the highest attainable level of consensus at a particular time. The published platform may serve as a far better indication of where our 'centre' resides than the amorphous and unanchored centre currently in use. In 2016, I registered a new federal political party called The Bridge Party of Canada which was intended to introduce the 'People's Platform' as a first step toward a richer form of democracy. Though a federal party, The Bridge sought to attain official standing for a consensus-building stage in advance of federal, provincial and local elections. On the hustings, I spoke with many young Canadians who raged against a party's treatment of voters as numbers. Young people said they were weary of manipulative party campaigns that dumb down the electorate and reduce a rich inventory of issues to one or two wedges. Both young and older electors expressed disgust with the reductions of the public to consumers who care about nothing but the price of eggs. To many voters, it seems that far more serious engagement and participation in the decision-making process would be inspiring – a rising tide that would lift all boats. There are literally hundreds, if not thousands, of democracy-enhancing initiatives. Some are non-profits. Many are housed in universities in Canada, the U.S., the U.K., Belgium, Germany and elsewhere. None with which I am familiar are ready for prime time. But it makes a lot of sense for Canada to establish, participate and support ongoing experimentation. Would a centre that funds, integrates and co-ordinates disparate efforts to decrease party dominance not be a thoughtful way of responding to Donald Trump's taunts, threats and tariffs? And given the state of liberal democracy in the West, are we not right to assume that the world is awaiting a new model and that this model could be Canada's gift to posterity? Democracy is not about nation-building. It is first of all a process by which settlers and Indigenous populations living under autocratic rule become voters, voters become citizens who, by resisting the centrifugal force which tears them apart, become a people. Parties may have a place in the process, but they cannot be permitted to monopolize the field.

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