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Nana Makhubele ‘could be first judge impeached for State Capture' — #UniteBehind's Zackie Achmat

Nana Makhubele ‘could be first judge impeached for State Capture' — #UniteBehind's Zackie Achmat

After six-and-a-half years and close to R5-million in costs, civil society movement #UniteBehind has claimed a significant victory with the Judicial Service Commission's acceptance of a finding of gross misconduct against Gauteng High Court judge Tintswalo Nana Makhubele.
The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) recently accepted the findings of a Judicial Conduct Tribunal which found Gauteng High Court judge Tintswalo Nana Makhubele guilty of gross misconduct.
This opens the way for the National Assembly to vote on the impeachment of a woman with a once-promising future who tragically became entangled in State Capture at the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (Prasa).
#UniteBehind, a coalition of civil society movements, brought the complaint against Makhubele to the JSC.
'For #UniteBehind, it has been a painful journey of six-and-a-half years to hold Judge Nana Makhubele accountable for gross misconduct because of her… attempts at facilitating corruption and State Capture at Prasa. We have had to spend close to R5-million, perhaps more, without any possibility of recovering that cost,' said Zackie Achmat, activist and founder of #UniteBehind.
'Judge Makhubele is probably the first judge… that could be impeached, if Parliament does its work, for facilitating State Capture, and that for us is a major victory.'
Makhubele's crime is that she sat on the Bench while chairing the Prasa interim board and authorising a 'secret settlement deal' involving payments from Prasa to Siyaya of about R56-million.
Contracts with Siyaya and its subsidiaries were the subject of a number of criminal investigations. Makhubele was found to have committed perjury by alleging that she had been given permission to hold off taking up her job in January 2018.
'What we must remember is that this was not simply the facilitation of State Capture. It was also a set of acts… that has led to the destruction of lives in… [terms of a] lack of safety on the rail and the loss of livelihoods, with people losing jobs by not being able to be on time for work because of the destruction of Prasa's management,' Achmat said.
Horns of a dilemma
Makhubele had previously said she had found herself on the horns of this ethical dilemma since she could not resign because she had not wanted to 'let the minister (of transport, Joe Maswanganyi) down'.
Evidence before the tribunal was that Makhubele was recommended for judicial office in October 2017, the month in which she took up the Prasa chair position.
While she had been expected to begin her judicial duties on 1 January 2018, she did not arrive for work to take the oath of office. Gauteng Judge President Dunstan Mlambo – whose version was supported by an affidavit from his deputy, Judge Aubrey Ledwaba – testified that Makhubele had told him that she chaired the board of the Water Tribunal and was concerned about a clash of interests.
He had reassured her that there was no conflict and put her on the roster for the first term of 2018.
Strike three
Judge Makhubele faces the ignominy of being the third judge in post-apartheid South Africa to be removed from the Bench for dishonesty. Former Western Cape judge president John Hlophe and judge Nkola Motata paved the way.
In an announcement on Friday, 1 August, the JSC noted that it had accepted the findings of fact made early by the tribunal, but differed in two respects.
It corrected the section of the JSC Act to include gross misconduct and noted that the conclusion was 'inescapable that the dishonest conduct of Judge Makhubele as described in Part A constitutes a breach of section 14(4)(a) of the JSC Act'.
Furthermore the tribunal, chaired by retired judge Achmat Jappie, found that Makhubele' s conduct constituted a breach of section 14(4)(e) of the Act and that a further concern for the JSC had been that the tribunal had not added the adjective 'gross' to qualify the misconduct of which Judge Makhubele was found guilty.
The commission found that Makhubele was 'guilty of gross misconduct'.
Allegations were that she had failed to sever professional ties with Prasa upon her permanent appointment to the judiciary; that she occupied an office for profit, where she received payment for services, which payment was not authorised by the JSC Act; and that she had requested a special dispensation regarding her appointment.
#UniteBehind's complaint to the JSC highlighted that Makhubele served in a position which 'undermined the independence of the judiciary'.
Her actions also breached the separation of powers. DM
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Tebogo Malaka ‘sting' – here's why Daily Maverick did it and what's next
Tebogo Malaka ‘sting' – here's why Daily Maverick did it and what's next

Daily Maverick

time2 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Tebogo Malaka ‘sting' – here's why Daily Maverick did it and what's next

The action of the Independent Development Trust's CEO and her spokesperson is an assault on the fourth estate, a vital pillar of a functioning democracy, and on freedom of expression. It's been more than three years since the State Capture commission wrapped up its work. Precious little has been done in the way of prosecuting those responsible for pillaging this country's coffers. So woeful is this lethargy that even former Chief Justice Raymond Zondo recently lambasted President Cyril Ramaphosa 's government, a highly unusual step for someone in Zondo's position. Failing to act on past State Capture crimes is one thing. Sadly, though, it is starting to dawn on South Africans that our ongoing corruption crisis is as grievous as it had been when the Zuma-Gupta syndicate ruled the roost. Whistle-blowers and forensic investigators are being gunned down. Shady contractors with no real business bona fides still clinch huge government contracts. Our President, for some reason, keeps cash in his couches. The deputy president and his family sit on vast assets that they can't quite explain. Two of Ramaphosa's 'post-capture' ministers have been caught in huge graft scandals. One of them resigned from the Cabinet, but still ended up as a Member of Parliament. The other was simply reshuffled to a new portfolio. Recent allegations regarding our police service read like a horror story. Entire pockets of the police, along with the organisation's political custodians, may very well be in the clutches of criminals. It is in this unsettling milieu that Daily Maverick decided to investigate the Independent Development Trust (IDT), a lesser-known yet important state body that spends billions of rands on social infrastructure projects. Our investigation into the IDT's R836-million oxygen plants debacle led us ever deeper into the IDT and its CEO's affairs. Somewhere along this research journey, we must have triggered a very sensitive nerve. The IDT's spokesperson got in touch with our journalist. He said he had 'very sensitive' business to discuss. A first meeting ensued, one in which promises of tenders and cash payments dominated the conversation. The spokesperson, Phasha Makgolane, wanted to set up another meeting to seal the deal. Makgolane's boss, Tebogo Malaka, would avail herself for this second gathering, the spokesperson promised. This left Daily Maverick with a crucial decision to make: spurn whatever advances Makgolane had made up to that point, or string them along with the hope of documenting a most compelling instance of alleged bribery. We went for the latter option. It was a tack that was always guaranteed to spark some debate, even if it achieved its goal of exposing high-level malfeasance. Journalistic 'stings' aren't exactly unheard of, but they're certainly unusual. They involve deceit and covert tactics, plus a level of planning and resources that nowadays aren't readily available to newsrooms. But we strongly believe it was more than justified. In a normal world, it would not fall to journalists to conduct sting operations, complete with hidden cameras and surveillance. But these are not normal times. In normal times, action would be swift off the back of the evidence presented. In normal times, the systems which should hold power to account would react. An arrest warrant issued. But, these are not normal times. The action of the IDT's CEO and her spokesperson is an assault on the fourth estate, a vital pillar of a functioning democracy, and on freedom of expression. Corruption, particularly within state entities such as the IDT, diverts public funds, undermines service delivery and erodes trust in governance. Journalists are not merely reporters; they are conduits of information essential for citizens to hold their leaders accountable. But these are not normal times. To accept a bribe, or to simply walk away from such an offer without exposing it, would be a betrayal of this fundamental responsibility. It would also be a betrayal if we stopped there. Good journalism plays the role of a watchdog – shining a light on abuse of power, corruption and injustice – not enforcing the law. But in these abnormal times, it falls to us to act in self defence and hold the line. To risk our lives to expose the truth. In another time, when the other three pillars of a democracy are functioning at strength, our job would be done. But history has shown that exposure is not enough. So while we strive against becoming political actors or activists, we cannot maintain a passive role when journalism is the target of bad actors intent on snuffing out our torches. To safeguard our independence, freedom of expression and to fight against this tendency to bribe journalists, Daily Maverick will be taking legal steps in the form of criminal charges against our would-be bribers. Anything less is a dereliction of our duty. DM Jillian Green is the Editor-in-Chief of Daily Maverick and Pieter-Louis Myburgh Daily Maverick's senior investigative journalist.

Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: Comrades dip hands daily in the Dettol of plausible deniability
Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: Comrades dip hands daily in the Dettol of plausible deniability

Daily Maverick

time5 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: Comrades dip hands daily in the Dettol of plausible deniability

Ah, Chief Dwasaho! I write to you from the edge of my last nerve. The South African people don't know what they want or what's good for them. One minute, they're screaming for transparency. The next, they're foaming at the mouth when His Would-be Majesty, King Paul of Mashatile, godfather to the Alex Mafia, declares his 'family homes'. Now there's a brouhaha in the streets and gnashing of teeth on Twitter. To declare or not to declare, that is the question? But rewind the cassette, Comrade Leadership. A year ago, News24 let the cat out of the Gucci handbag, revealing that His Deputyship was staying (or was it squatting?) in palatial properties not registered in his name. At the time, Peter — and his dog — cried foul, howling that King Paul was living a life more golden than his declared income. There were whispers of corruption by proxy, and finger-pointing at the son-in-law, that dashing man who married Palesa. My leader, I don't mean to implicate myself, but I, too, may or may not have had a Palesa once. If only I had married her, I too could be R65-million to the good, lounging in Constantia with my feet up and my conscience asleep. Eish, my leader, perhaps Palesa was a moniker in one of Kwaito's hits. But I digress. Frankly, I don't understand the kerfuffle. The Honourable King Paul — yes, the same one with the Alex Mafia credentials and a GPS permanently set to Waterfall and Constantia — has declared the so-called 'offending' properties. He never said, 'I bought them.' He said — read slowly, Comrades — 'they are family homes'. We should understand this concept unless we've all suddenly developed amnesia about African communal living. In Africa, we don't own houses; we share them. That's how we roll. One house, six cousins, four uncles, and the occasional tenderpreneur son-in-law named Nceba. CR17, Colgate smiles, and the gospel according to Mkhwebane This, my leader, reminds me of the CR17 bonanza. Remember that? A few short years ago, you were showered with manna from Stellenbosch heaven — friends and funders alike backed you to take a calculated swipe at the ANC's Top Six, and voilà, you emerged Number One with a Colgate smile. Then came the legally illiterate, now impeached Public Protector Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane who accused you of failing to declare a benefit. Nonsense! It was a private matter between you and your billionaire buddies. But let's be honest, all politicians are double agents by design. They are not the Holy Trinity. They're at best two-in-one shampoo: one part public servant, two parts private businessperson with a dodgy connection to the cartels. I mean, take Phala Phala. You stashed foreign currency in your couch. Why? The first time you banked it, everyone wanted disclosure of depositors. You kept it at home; now everyone wants to know why it wasn't banked. Can't a man enjoy his loot in peace? I digress, again. My leader, if I may… I, too, have family homes. One in Waterkloof. Yes, read slowly, Waterkloof — the high-altitude sanctuary where the powerful play golf with tenderpreneurs and the streetlights never flicker. It's a gated utopia where politicians, shady businessmen (always men), and underworld figures reside in comfort under circumstances known only to the Department of Public Works — or perhaps the Mexican Sinaloa Cartel. Of course, I also have family homes in Ulundi and Eshowe, KwaZulu-Natal — by birthright, bloodline and braai. Don't you dare ask me about the European concept of ownership. These are African family homes, not title deeds from the Queen's Registry. Think of them as Holiday Club benefits — I use them on demand. Just like King Paul, I too am a true son of the soil. Frankly, I'm surprised King Paul hasn't joined uBaba in howling against the Constitution and its liberal concoctions. I mean, what rubbish is Section 25? The idea of property ownership for Africans died in 1913 with the Land Act. Now we're being lectured about 'disclosure' and 'conflicts of interest' by people who've never sat in a tribal council where five brothers, six cousins, and an uncle all claim the same kraal. Please. Family homes aren't corrupt — they're African culture. Chicken feet, cold beer and the tender-less comrade This self-made confusion by liberals — frothing at the mouth about 'our values' and demanding asset registers as if this were Geneva — reminds me of a time a comrade-friend visited me at my erstwhile 'family home' in Durban. Now, don't get it twisted, my leader. While I'd love to say the steak was sizzling on the Weber, tjoo, I'm embellishing. It was chicken feet on the braai — marinated in a secret sauce of rural village dreams deferred and already stinking like rotten meat. Mid-braai, my dearest friend fixed me with the kind of stare usually reserved for enemies of the revolution. He looked me dead in the eye and said, 'Stalin,' — my Struggle name— 'Stalin, you've disappointed me. After all these years of working in government circles, writing speeches for ministers and fetching wine glasses at political funerals, you're still poor. ' I was winded, my leader. It felt like a punch from a side pocket prophet. I steadied myself against my cooler box, exhaled, and after a complete three-minute silence — punctuated only by the sound of chicken feet crackling — took a majestic sip of beer, lit a cigarette, and responded: 'Ukukhuluma nami?' (' Are you talking to me?') He nodded. I nodded back. Silence lingered. Then I slowly explained that, unlike others, I had not yet discovered the tender route to prosperity. I, too, was a man of 'family homes' — no title deeds, but many memories. And yes, I may be materially poor, but I am rich. Don't ask for details; you just don't get it. I digress — apologies for my scatterbrain. Ribbons, Range Rovers and wives' revolutionary procurement Speaking of the route to tenders, the bloody liberals are now flinging accusations like confetti at a Zuma wedding — claiming all and sundry (read: ANC leaders) are neck deep in tender fraud. Njani? Take the case of a so-called KwaZulu-Natal ANC 'heavyweight' as reported by News24. Heavyweight? On whose Richter scale? Are we measuring influence or just belly circumference? If that's the metric, what would happen to Jeff Radebe and S'bu Ndebele, current head honchos? Anyway, this time the spotlight falls on Comrade Thanduxolo Sabelo — yes, the same one who, last I checked, was still recovering from being a has-been councillor at the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality. According to media reports, his two wives stand to benefit from a National School Nutrition Programme tender worth R2.9-billion. Two point nine billion, my leader. That's not a tender; that's a feast for generations. Oh, excuse me, and now their cats are crying foul. Why? Because a man with two family homes to feed is expected to survive on a councillor's stipend? Are you even serious? How can an ordinary councillor — whose power barely extends beyond cutting ribbons at a Pakistani tuck shop — influence a provincial tender committee in the Department of Education? Eye of the needle Let me spell it out. ANC leaders went through the eye of the needle, my leader. They've seen nothing. They know nothing. Ask them about the bid adjudication committee — you'll get blank stares and a Freedom Charter quote. As for the wives? They're hustling to keep the fires burning and the Range Rovers running. They didn't join the ANC to bake scones — they're in procurement for the National Democratic Revolution! The same logic applies to KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Education Sipho Hlomuka. Turns out, his wife, too, is an entrepreneur, which now seems to be a prerequisite for marriage in comrade circles — business-minded, politically adjacent, and tender-ready. She, too, is in line for a slice of the R2.9-billion school nutrition feast. Hlomuka's wife won the tender fair and square — the MEC was unaware of his wife's burgeoning empire. Have you ever seen or heard of an MEC sitting on tender committees? But now, what did you expect? That a whole wife of an MEC must spend her days hopping from nail bar to eyelash salon, sipping iced coffee and gossiping about non-aligned delegates? Clean hands Not to be outdone, Deputy Minister of Labour and Unemployment (sic) Jomo Sibiya's wife is also on the take. I can confirm the deputy minister knew nothing about this tender award. He saw nothing. He heard nothing. Like all seasoned Comrades, his hands remain impeccably clean, dipped daily in the Dettol of plausible deniability.

DA MP barred from oversight visit to Prasa, raising concerns over R2. 5bn train refurbishment
DA MP barred from oversight visit to Prasa, raising concerns over R2. 5bn train refurbishment

IOL News

time7 hours ago

  • IOL News

DA MP barred from oversight visit to Prasa, raising concerns over R2. 5bn train refurbishment

The Passenger Rail Agency of SA is under fire from DA MP Thamsanqa Mabhena after he was barred from entering its depot to conduct unannounced oversight on Thursday. Image: Jacques Naude / Independent Newspapers DA MP Thamsanqa Mabhena will write to National Assembly Speaker Thoko Didiza after being prevented from doing an unannounced oversight on Passenger Rail Agency of SA's (Prasa's) controversial R7.5 billion train refurbishment programme. Mabhena, accompanied by DA City of Johannesburg councillor Bongani Nkwanyana, arrived at Prasa's Braamfontein depot on Thursday morning, but by midday, he still had not started doing his work. 'We will write to the Speaker just to appraise her of what is happening and secondly, we are going to hold the Prasa executive and board the next time they come to the portfolio committee that when MPs want to do unannounced oversight, there shouldn't be bureaucratic stumbling blocks which are manufactured, put there for us not to be able to do our work,' he explained. According to Mabhena, preventing oversight could have negative consequences for the agency. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading 'What then happens if I, as an MP, who has to vote for the Prasa budget to pass in terms of budget vote 40 of Parliament which contains Prasa transfers, if then I walk out of Parliament and say as an MP I'm not going to vote for this budget because you refused me access to that public entity?' he asked. Mabhena added that institutions of the state must work collaboratively. 'We will write to the chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Transport (Donald Selamolela) because you cannot say that we need permission when we are doing an unannounced oversight visit, it is critical and very important, and as an established convention of Parliament, it has always been there.' He said currently, Parliament is in a constituency period. 'We are to go and see what is happening, to visit these public entities, so we are fulfilling the work of Parliament during the constituency period as mandated by the Speaker's programme,' added Mabhena. On the subject of his unannounced oversight visit, the general overhaul programme, he said Prasa has spent R2.5bn of the R7.5bn set aside for the yellow and grey fleet to refurbish trains they are not using or have no intention of using, and which are running only on two lines in the Eastern and Western Cape. 'The general overhaul programme is nothing but an elaborate corruption scheme, which is meant to give money to ANC-connected cadres who are benefiting from these contracts, who are milking the state dry by making sure we are refurbishing trains that we are not going to be using. 'Essentially, they are refurbishing these trains just for them to gather dust and to further decay here,' Mabhena complained. He added that Prasa has indicated that it has 3,000 coaches of the yellow and grey fleet, but 400 planned to be refurbished. Prasa, according to Mabhena, plans to scrap 590, of which 200 have already been scrapped. He said scrapping literally meant chopping up the trains for scrap metal and selling them off. 'This means that R2.5bn has gone down the drain,' Mabhena said. He said refurbishing trains that are not going to be used is nothing but corruption that has engulfed Prasa.

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