
Senior Tories and big landlords discuss ways to thwart renters' rights bill
Senior Tories have held private talks with big landlords about how to thwart the government's renters' rights bill, the Guardian has learned, with ideas including launching a legal challenge under human rights law.
Jane Scott, the shadow housing minister, recently hosted a roundtable meeting with several of the country's largest landlords and estate agents, at which they discussed a number of ways to delay or stop the bill altogether. The ideas included challenging it in the courts and delaying it with repeated rounds of Lords amendments, according to three people in attendance.
The discussions have prompted accusations of collusion between the Tories and property industry. They also give an indication of how hard the Conservatives are likely to fight the bill in its final stages, even though the party tried to pass a similar version of the proposals when it was in government.
Anny Cullum, policy officer at the campaign group Acorn, said: 'The comments by Baroness Scott have confirmed what we suspected: that there is a coordinated attempt by landlords and their supporters within the Lords to frustrate the progress of the renters' rights bill.'
She added: 'Unelected and unaccountable Tory peers are using underhand tactics to deliberately delay this vital legislation even more – legislation that many of them supported in its previous guise under the last government.'
Polly Neate, chief executive of Shelter, said: 'England's 11 million private renters have been waiting years for genuine security and safety in their homes. With reform finally on the horizon, it's utterly disgraceful that a handful of self-interested peers are resorting to cynical delay tactics designed to slow the progress of the renters' rights bill to a crawl.'
A Conservative party spokesperson said: 'The Conservatives have been warning that this bill is deeply flawed, as it will lead to a reduced supply of rental homes … As is standard practice with all legislation, the official opposition engages privately with a range of stakeholders to hear their views.'
At the heart of Labour's renters' rights package is a ban on no-fault evictions, due to come into force as soon as the bill received royal assent. Other measures in the bill include preventing landlords from accepting more rent than the amount for which a property has been listed, and enacting 'Awaab's law' to force landlords to carry out essential repairs within fixed time periods.
Michael Gove attempted to enact a similar set of proposals when he was housing secretary in the last government, but his bill failed to pass before the election was called. Since then, the new Tory leader, Kemi Badenoch, has hardened her party's stance against such reforms.
Scott's meeting with landlords and estate agents included representatives from the property group Get Living, Dexters estate agents and the National Residential Landlord Association, among others.
Get Living told the meeting they had instructed a senior barrister to examine bringing a legal challenge to the bill on human rights grounds, an initiative which Scott welcomed, according to two attenders. One said she told the meeting the legal challenge might stop the bill 'dead in its tracks'.
The Scottish Association of Landlords launched a similar challenge against the Scottish government's attempts to bring in a temporary rent cap, arguing it violated the right to property as enshrined in the European convention on human rights. That challenge ultimately failed.
A spokesperson for Get Living said the company wanted the bill to succeed. The spokesperson added, however: 'There is a group in the professionally managed rental sector that significantly contributes to new housing stock that are concerned about the legal issues the government faces if the bill proceeds in its current format.'
Scott also told the meeting she would do everything she could to force debate on multiple amendments as a way of delaying the bill, telling those who attended she thought she could hold it up until the autumn at least.
At one point, according to one attender, she complained she could not find enough statistical evidence to say landlords were leaving the market as a result of the bill. In response, attenders said they would try to find the data she was looking for.
Scott also defended the Conservatives' decision not to bring in Awaab's law, saying landlords were not sufficiently well organised to be able to respond to tenants' problems within strict deadlines. One of those who attended, who said they were playing devil's advocate, wondered aloud whether landlords should not be forced to become more organised.
Not all of the property groups represented were comfortable with the tone of the meeting, according to some of those who attended. Some groups believe the bill is going to become law eventually, and that it would be best to pass it quickly with modest amendments to give landlords more certainty.

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Telegraph
4 hours ago
- Telegraph
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Scotsman
5 hours ago
- Scotsman
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Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... I have a confession to make. It's not something I'm proud of, because who would be, but it is something you should know. I am English. I understand it's a shock, especially if you've somehow missed our video content, award-winning podcast and my appearances on whichever broadcaster will have me. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad A saltire flag and Union Jack flutter in the wind. Picture: JeffIt means, nearly five years ago, I came to Scottish politics with things to learn. I was an experienced journalist in Westminster, but had not lived the Scottish experience. I merely adopted Scotland, I wasn't born in it. Moulded in it. As such, aside from my extensive reading as a dedicated student of the game, my expectations were it would not be like any other patch. The views on both sides of the independence debate were too entrenched, the vitriol felt was too strong, the wounds were too deep. Now, as I walk off into what I hope is a sunset, I can tell you I was wrong. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Scottish politics isn't nearly as bitter and divided as it can seem at times, especially online. Working in Westminster, I see the loudest and most vocal critics of each side having a beer together in Parliament. I listen to SNP MPs talking about trips they've been on with Tories, and the funny experiences they won't share publicly 'til they leave Parliament. Following issues that go beyond the debate of the day, I witness Labour working with the SNP, and hear of rivals having a regular snooker game. Alexander Brown has been here since Boris Johnson was Prime Minister | Getty Images More importantly, they're just nice. It's nowhere near as tribal as you think. I've routinely been called a Sturgeonista (despite my accent) or a Tory stooge online and, while I'm grateful for balance, it's also not representative of what politics is. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad These people don't hate each other. They aren't arguing with each other in comment sections. Sometimes the outrage is simply manufactured, playing to the gallery encouraging people to lose their minds, shortly before going for tea in the Parliament canteen. I'd add that given how biased everyone feels the media is, we sure do spend a lot of our time speaking to all the different parties. In short, Scottish politics, despite the myth of Scottish exceptionalism, is not that dissimilar to politics in the rest of the UK. Sure, there's an independence debate, but the main issues facing the country are the NHS, education, the green transition, access to rural services. Other than the ferries' farce, it's basically the same. Now you can argue that independence could fix those, but it's still the same problems as down here. That's not an argument for unionism, just a reminder that what happens in Westminster really does matter. To paraphrase one of the few successful, albeit accidental separatists, we're all in this together. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad My other main takeaway is that despite these shared values, successive UK administrations have still been a bit scared of Scotland. No prime minister has done a sit-down. Ministers avoid doing huddles in case they're caught out. You deserve better and it's appalling this has not changed since I started. This is all a long-winded way of saying I'm leaving The Scotsman, but my love of Scotland is going nowhere.


The Herald Scotland
6 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
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'Against all of the odds, we are feeling genuinely optimistic and positive.'I think we knew that 2024 was going to be terrible. Having taken that skelping, I think people are back to renew the party — and that is the strong statement of both Russell and Kemi's remarks.' 'We are sitting in a much diminished form at Westminster, our worst ever election result in over 250 years of the Conservative Party really being in existence. And really beginning the fightback,' shadow Scottish secretary Andrew Bowie told Unspun Live, The Herald's politics podcast. 'And that is where we are right now — beginning that long, hard slog of regaining the trust of the British people, hopefully with a view to getting back into power in short order in four years' time.' Mr Findlay has settled into the role of party leader. He is much more relaxed and less like the deer trapped in the headlights he resembled when he took over from Douglas Ross last September. He is putting the effort in. 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It is 11 months before the election and this is about building a positive message we can take next year. 'We absolutely need to move on from the past.' The scale of the party's challenge — and the threat from Reform — was made painfully clear earlier this month at the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election, where the Tories came a distant fourth. In a seat where they had won 17.5% at the last Holyrood election, they only just managed to hold on to their Reform took 26% of the vote. While Labour's surprise win has led to grumblings in the SNP, Mr Lumsden insists the party is united behind Mr Findlay. 'We are 100% behind Russell. There is no briefing at all from anyone. Russell has a brilliant personality and the more people who get to know him the more they like him — so we need to promote Russell.' READ MORE While Mr Findlay's position might be safe, the same cannot be said for Kemi Badenoch. Potential leadership hopefuls are on manoeuvres. The leader of the opposition delivered her speech on Friday. It was only her second trip to Scotland since becoming leader in November. 'There is a lot of work to be done, a lot of messaging, a lot of renewal — and she has got the runway that Russell and the rest of us do not have,' Mr Kerr said. 'I am not worried about threats to her leadership. She is letting her colleagues get on with it. She is not a leader who is lying awake worrying about a challenge to her leadership,' he added. 'Anybody who is going to contest Kemi or Russell for leadership right now is mad — because the challenges will not change.' Mr Kerr compared Ms Badenoch to Margaret Thatcher: 'I am old enough to remember our first female leader and the same stuff was being said about her in terms of her role as Leader of the Opposition and her performance and PMQs — and look what happened to her.' 'You know, we have been written off as a party before,' Mr Findlay told The Herald on Sunday. 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