
Zohran Mamdani says mayors shouldn't 'police speech' when asked to condemn 'globalize the intifada' slogan
Zohran Mamdani, the presumptive Democratic nominee in New York City's mayoral race, on Sunday again sidestepped an opportunity to condemn the phrase "globalize the intifada," saying that mayors shouldn't "police speech."
"That's not language that I use," Mamdani said when asked if he condemns the phrase, which is widely viewed by Jewish groups as offensive and anti-semitic, on NBC News' "Meet the Press." "The language that I use and the language that I will continue to use to lead the city is that which speaks clearly to my intent, which is an intent grounded in a belief in universal human rights."
Mamdani added, "Ultimately, that's what is the foundation of so much of my politics, the belief that freedom and justice and safety are things that have meaning, have to be applied to all people, and that includes Israelis and Palestinians."
In response to a second direct question from "Meet the Press" moderator Kristen Welker about whether he condemns the phrase, Mamdani said that he's hear from many Jewish New Yorkers who have shared their concerns about the phrase.
"I've heard those fears, and I've had those conversations, and ultimately, they are part and parcel of why in my campaign, I've put forward a commitment to increase funding for anti-hate crime programming by 800%," Mamdani answered, once again demurring on the direct question about condemning the phrase.
"I don't believe that the role of the mayor is to police speech," he added.
Asked why it wouldn't be easier to just condemn the phrase, which many Jewish organizations have condemned and labeled anti-semitic, Mamdani told Welker, "My concern is, to start to walk down the line of language and making clear what language I believe is permissible or impermissible takes me into a place similar to that of the president."
Mamdani pointed to several students, like Rumeysa Öztürk and Mahmoud Khalil, who were detained by the Trump administration earlier this year after they wrote or protested against Israel and in favor of those living in Gaza.
"Ultimately, it's not language that I use, it's language I understand there are concerns about, and what I will do is showcase my vision for the city through my words and my actions," Mamdani added.
Mamdani's refusal to condemn the phrase made headlines in the final days leading up to the Democratic mayoral primary. In an interview with The Bulwark posted on June 17, Mamdani was asked whether the phrase "globalize the intifada" made him uncomfortable.
He responded, saying that it reflects, "a desperate desire for equality and equal rights in standing up for Palestinian human rights."
In the same interview, he called the recent rise in anti-semitism 'a real issue in our city' that the next mayor should focus on "tackling."
Jewish organizations and officials quickly spoke out against the phrase, with Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO of the Anti-Defamation League, writing in a post on X, "Globalize the Intifada is an explicit call for violence. Globalize the Intifada celebrates and glorifies savagery and terror. Globalize the Intifada dishonors the memory of 1,000s slaughtered, tens of 1,000s maimed, and millions traumatized who were targeted simply because of their identities. Globalize the Intifada is not just dangerous. It's an explicit incitement to violence."
In a statement at the time, Rep. Dan Goldman, D-N.Y., who represents parts of New York City, blasted Mamdani, saying, "If Mr. Mamdani is unwilling to heed the request of major Jewish organizations to condemn this unquestionably antisemitic phrase, then he is unfit to lead a city with 1.3 million Jews — the largest Jewish population outside of Israel.'
On Saturday, Goldman said in a subsequent statement that he had since met with Mamdani. "I explained why Jewish New Yorkers feel unsafe in the City and that, as he continues this campaign, he must not only condemn anti-Jewish hate and calls for violence, but make clear that as Mayor he would take proactive steps to protect all New Yorkers and make us secure," he said.
'I appreciate Zohran's willingness to reach out to me, to engage, and to listen, and I look forward to continuing the dialogue about our mutual desire to move this City in a positive direction," Goldman added.
Mandani on Sunday also addressed President Donald Trump's comments this week, which included Trump calling the presumptive Democratic mayoral nominee a "communist."
"I can't believe that's happening. That's a terrible thing for our country, by the way. He's a communist," Trump told reporters at the White House on Friday. "We're going to go to a communistic- so that's so bad for New York, but the rest of the country is revolting against it."
On Sunday, Mamdani clarified that "I am not" a communist.
" I have already had to start to get used to, get used to the fact that the president will talk about how I look, how I sound, where I'm from, who I am, ultimately, because he wants to distract from what I'm fighting for, and I'm fighting for the very working people that he ran a campaign to empower, that he has since then betrayed," Mamdani added.
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The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Mamdani says we shouldn't have billionaires after Trump branded him ‘communist lunatic'
New York Democrat Zohran Mamdani, who looks all but certain to be his party's nominee in the city's mayoral race, has said there should be no billionaires. Mamdani made the comments after Donald Trump - himself a billionaire - tore into the mayoral hopeful and branded him a 'communist'. Speaking on NBC's Meet the Press on Sunday morning, Mamdani told host Kristen Welker: 'I don't think that we should have billionaires because, frankly, it is so much money in a moment of such inequality, and ultimately, what we need more of is equality across our city and across our state and across our country. 'And I look forward to working with everyone, including billionaires, to make a city that is fair for all of them.' Mamdani, a state assemblyman who considers himself a democratic socialist, pulled off a major upset in the city's Democratic mayoral primary last Tuesday when he beat front-runner Andrew Cuomo, a victory set to be confirmed when vote counting resumes this week. The progressive ran on a platform of making New York City a more affordable place to live and has pledged to increase taxes for its wealthiest residents to pay for outreach programs. 'Ultimately, the reason I want to increase these taxes on the top one percent, the most profitable corporations, is to increase quality of life for everyone, including those who are going to be taxed,' he told Welker. 'We're seeing that our vision to tax the top one percent of New Yorkers – these are New Yorkers who make a million dollars a year or more – and our proposal is to just tax them by two percent additional, is something that has broad support, and we'll continue to increase that support over the next few months.' Mamdani's win has since seen panicked conservatives race to attack him, with the president launching his own salvo on Friday. Trump predicted that New York would become 'a communistic city' if Mamdani is elected mayor in November and added: 'I can't believe that's happening. That's a terrible thing for our country, by the way.' Earlier in the week, Trump had written on Truth Social: 'Zohran Mamdani, a 100% Communist Lunatic, has just won the Dem Primary, and is on his way to becoming Mayor. We've had Radical Lefties before, but this is getting a little ridiculous.' Asked whether he was a communist by Welker on Sunday, Mamdani answered simply: 'I am not.' Just before that interview aired on NBC, a sit down between Trump and Maria Baritromo had run on Fox News in which the president said of Mamdani: 'Let's say this: If he does get in, I'm going to be president, and he's going to have to do the right thing or they're not getting any money, he's got to do the right thing.' Responding on NBC, the mayoral candidate said: 'I have already had to start to get used to, get used to the fact that the president will talk about how I look, how I sound, where I'm from, who I am, ultimately, because he wants to distract from what I'm fighting for, and I'm fighting for the very working people that he ran a campaign to empower, that he has since then betrayed.' Assuming Mamdani secures the Democratic nomination, he and Adams are likely to find themselves in a three-horse race with Republican Curtis Sliwa, founder of the Guardian Angels anti-crime group. However, Cuomo has signalled that he could also run again, like Adams, as an independent.


New Statesman
an hour ago
- New Statesman
What's wrong with Sarah Vine?
What's the matter with Sarah Vine? Almost everything if How Not To Be A Political Wife, her puzzling account of 20 years 'inside the rooms of government, a sanctioned eavesdropper on the rise – and fall – of the Cameroon style of Conservatism' is to be believed. Coming to the end of Vine's self-gouging rampage-memoir, a straightforwardly insane mash-up of Cinderella, old footage of a rejected X Factor contestant weeping about their family and the nasty Freudian bits from the Patrick Melrose novels, the reader finds themselves hoping that those 'rooms of government' have been stripped, hosed, and given a thorough wipe down since she left. Vine, formerly Michael Gove's wife and currently one of those columnists on the Daily Mail who writes at least 6,000 words a week about Princess Eugenie's Instagram account, lists the ailments herself. Like demons in hell, they are legion. To begin with Vine was born overdue, two weeks late, with 'remarkably large feet'. She was 'catastrophically' short-sighted. She had 'thick' fingers. Later, she has 'ADHD' helpfully diagnosed – why not? – by 'one of my closest friends, who is an expert on these things'. She developed alopecia, hated herself, felt anxious, exhausted, overwhelmed. Something about Vine is always off, always wrong: 'slow metabolism', 'joint pain', 'underactive thyroid', 'muscle aches', 'mood swings', 'suppressed trauma', 'acute appendicitis'. She has a cranial scan for a Daily Mail health feature. The specialist asks her 'if I had ever sustained a serious brain injury'. Vine claims throughout the book that she has a 'bad memory'. But that's not accurate. She remembers every single thing that's ever been wrong with her – and everyone else she's ever known. Vine grew up a half-Welsh transplant in hot Italy, with a hotter mum and a drunken, homophobic, nightmare Boomer dad who 'despised fat women' in between puffs on his oedipal stogies. The Vines, who fled high-tax Britain in the Seventies, were – are – evidently and tastelessly wealthy. They paid for their Vine to become a Gove by flying one hundred guests to the South of France for their 'Riviera Razzmatazz' nuptials; they own sweet property in central London, as well as a patriotically located 'place in Monte Carlo'. They sent their daughter to a 'strange' boarding school, where an 'Anti-Sarah Vine Association' swiftly formed, eerily prefiguring the future. It is not Vine's fault that her parents, in her own high exposure telling, are dreadful. But the sheer soap operatic horror of the Vines – constantly and boozily breaking down, shagging random Italians they're not married to, slagging off their daughter for being crap at tennis – does help to explain who Vine is, in ways she is not quite cognisant of. About a third of the way through How Not To Be A Political Wife this personality becomes clearer: a self-loathing, self-dramatising, self-confessed 'outsider', who is in fact a casting call posho with a cruel, nouveau riche father and a distant mother. That is also the double helix running through a certain kind of journalist – a 'sanctioned eavesdropper' in Vine's words. It's not a role she invented. In 1919, Max Weber argued all journalists were 'pariah' figures 'with no fixed social position' who took psychological risks in consorting with the 'most powerful people on earth in their drawing rooms, on a seemingly equal basis' while those same powerful people secretly despised reporters. He warned such journalists risk falling into 'total superficiality' and 'self-exposure, with all its inexorable consequences'. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Only the very strongest characters, Weber believed, could do the job responsibly: 'It is not for everyone – least of all for people of weak character, especially those who need a secure social position for their inner equilibrium.' And a 'secure social position' to restore a whacked out 'inner equilibrium' is what Vine needed more than anything. She's not a special 'outsider', nor is she the 'imposter syndrome' scullery maid victim of the class system she imagines herself to be in How Not To Be A Political Wife. Her early career in journalism, as it is described here, is little more than a prolonged and painful attempt to build social caché and so redeem her unpopularity at school. 'I had quite a little black book of my own,' she boasts, after a 1990s spell at Tatler and somehow barging her way into the editorship of the Times' arts pages. Vine quotes from a prophetic letter her then editor Peter Stothard received a few days into her new job from Garsington Opera, denouncing her elevation as a 'catastrophic drop in standards'. This sounds tough on Vine, but a few pages later she describes a bathroom miniature as 'exciting' and the reader begins to think Garsington Opera might have had a point. Suddenly, How Not To Be A Political Wife's pages begin to proudly swarm with comedy arrivistes and sub-ducal nobodies. 'Topaz Amoore', 'Jayne Dowle', 'Randal Dunluce', 'Tania Kindersley', 'Imogen Edwards-Jones' and someone literally called 'Venetia Butterfield'. Ludicrously, Vine calls them 'the best and the brightest', seemingly unaware that the phrase was borrowed by David Halberstram from Percy Shelley to describe the misfiring brains in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations who expanded and lost the Vietnam War. Vine's mates don't wreck South East Asia, but so many of them end up in the Cameron governments that you could fairly accuse them of wrecking Britain. Weber also speculated about what would happen if journalists tried to become politicians. What type of journalist would win power, the 'weak' charlatans or the 'worthy and genuine' who made a success of an impossible profession? We immediately think of Michael Gove, whose ascent began on the Daily Telegraph's 'Peterborough' column. Vine first envelops him on a ski slope in the early Noughties as Kyle Minogue's Can't Get You Out Of My Head blasts out from chalet speakers. Gove was then a sparkly, effete and bookish presence, and a thunderous voice on the Times comment desk, where he had begun to zoom away from his origins as an adopted boy from Scotland. And Vine's account of their marriage underlines the fact that Gove too was an ambitious social mountaineer, not the hapless intellectual depicted. Gove may have presented as a drunken and waspishly entertaining court dwarf to powerful toffs such as Ben Elliot, Tom Parker-Bowles and David Cameron, but only so he could eventually extract eminence and position. At this point, the only sign that Gove had his gimlet sights set beyond clowning at country house suppers and bloviating on Radio 4's Moral Maze was his choice of aftershave: Penhaligon's Blenheim Bouquet, a favourite scent of Winston Churchill's. Vine thinks this made Gove smell 'fragrant', others thought it meant he was 'gay obviously'. But what it really meant was that he dreamed of becoming a great prime minister. Gove's scent was a charm, a spell, a hopeful but furtive prediction. In The Red and The Black, Stendhal's 19th-century novel of a rural outsider attempting to conquer a glittering metropole, his hero Julien Sorel obsessively reads a hidden copy of Napoleon's letters for spiritual ballast, dreaming of one day matching the achievements of his idol. If David Cameron had simply sniffed Gove he might have neutralised the political threat he posed much, much earlier. After Vine repeatedly explains why her ex-husband is not gay, How Not To Be A Political Wife moves from misery memoir to political score-settling. In the early 2000s, the Goves, along with Francis Maude, George Osborne, David Cameron, Theresa May, Dougie Smith, Rachel Whetstone, Steve Hilton, sundry others and the Policy Exchange think tank were 'Tory Modernisers'. An inner core of this group were 'rambunctious friends' stretching back to their days at Oxford University, friends who would eventually form a court around Cameron when he became prime minister. They wanted the Conservative Party to make peace with modern, liberal, Blairite Britain: to stop calling homosexuals 'tank-topped bum boys' as Boris Johnson did and to remove the fusty Iain Duncan Smith from the Tory leadership. The Conservatives, once Cameron secured power, would become associated with nice things like climate change, academy schools and gay people. Had the Conservative Party changed? They were still mostly rich posh people like Sarah Vine, or even richer posher people like the Camerons and Osbornes. Vine swoons over their 'innate confidence', 'effortless self-assurance', 'expansive kitchen suppers', 'enviable grace' and 'flamboyantly furnished' homes. The Goves spend one soggy weekend away at Samantha Cameron's mother Annabel and step-father William Astor's 19,000-acre estate on Jura, a world, Vine writes ecstatically, of 'faithful, elderly retainers and wise old ghillies, of deer stalking and fishing, early morning swims in the freezing sea'. To be invited into this world was to achieve the 'secure social position' she desired: she always had money, now she had class. Caught up in her clichéd reverie, she forgets to mention that the estate is not technically owned by the Astors but by a company registered in the tax haven of the British Virgin Islands. The one small glimpse of actually existing Britain in How Not To Be A Political Wife comes when Vine has to move from West London to Surrey Heath, where Gove has his safe seat. Ordinary life in Britain horrifies her: 'a somewhat soulless tangle of grey roundabouts, shopping centres and cul-de-sacs'. Vine had 'never even heard of Surrey Heath, much less been there'. The people she meets – Tory voters who don't register companies in tax havens – are 'for the most part' nice. Then she compares them to Hyacinth Bucket and calls their towns 'strangely nondescript'. Some of the towns, admittedly, are 'nice' but 'boy did they [all those Hyacinth Buckets] know it'. She forces Gove back to London, a move she compares to 'surfacing from a deep nightmare'. When the expenses scandal breaks and Gove comes under pressure after the Daily Telegraph reveals he bought a pair of 'elephant lamps' worth £134.50 from Oka, an upmarket interior design firm set up by Annabel Astor, Vine writes pathetically: 'It couldn't have come at a worse time for me.' Quite why public money was needed to buy 'elephant lamps' from her mate's mother-in-law becomes secondary to yet another hospital checklist of Vine illnesses brought on by the scandal: 'I caught swine flu, then tonsillitis, double pneumonia and even a quinsy.' Miraculously, she lives. By 2014, Vine was firmly established at the Daily Mail and in her own opinion 'one of the top political wives in the country'. She was happily familiar with grace and favour weekends at Chequers and Dorneywood, chauffeur-driven cars and meeting Royalty: 'a sanctioned eavesdropper'. Gove had become a hate figure for the political left after a controversial series of education reforms that would eventually improve test scores while making it increasingly difficult for schools to attract and retain teaching staff. The Goves had by now developed a reputation for scheming and leaking that Vine blames here on Dominic Cummings, then Gove's special advisor, who she also claims smelled so bad that his colleagues lit scented candles around him. Gove, the entertaining clown who ate his breakfast in cabinet meetings and was so hungover at a meeting with Pope Benedict in 2010 that he nearly vomited, was becoming an object of suspicion among the other Cameroons as the EU referendum loomed into view. Vine claims that she and her husband didn't really talk about politics – a suggestion contradicted by page after page of How Not To Be A Political Wife. Cameron's chief of staff Kate Fall wrote in her 2020 memoir The Gatekeeper that Gove took orders from his wife, who 'is used to proactively managing her brilliant but not very down-to-earth husband'. In that book Fall compared the 'clever, funny, powerful' Vine to a 'python'. That sinuous picture that makes more sense than Vine's limp self-portrait. Vine says she was not Lady Macbeth, but then again, that's exactly what Lady Macbeth would say. After the referendum, Gove twice tried and failed to become Prime Minister. All the puffs of Blenheim Bouquet were for naught. Vine's personal life, which was simultaneously a ware she flogged on Fleet Street for a salary, began to come apart. Vine blames amorphous forces such as 'politics' and 'Brexit' for ruining her marriage to Gove, which ended in July 2021 and was confirmed by Vine with an 'in-depth' Tatler interview the following January. In the book Vine laments an 'abyss of class' for separating the Goves from the Camerons, a cross-family friendship that ended after Brexit. They may simply have been annoyed by Vine's constant titillations in the Daily Mail and the small matter of Gove blowing up Cameron's government. Invoking the language of class to explain why a government minister and his newspaper columnist wife fell out with the prime minister and his wife, the step-daughter of a Viscount, is probably not what Marx and Engels invented such terminology for. Over the weekend, Samantha Cameron appeared in the Mail on Sunday, pictured at Glastonbury wearing a '£340 green v-neck dress from her label Cefinn' a few pages away from Vine's column, which included fulminations against Lime Bikes and a new sandwich launched by M&S. 'My favourite sandwich is Marmite,' added Vine bathetically. If you adopt the zero-sum lens through which Vine looks at the world, it is not difficult to see who won the battle between the families. How Not To Be A Political Wife terminates with a generalised call for kindness and an odd diversion in which Vine suspects that the 1986 Chernobyl reactor meltdown may have given her 'mild radon poisoning'. Readers will have to make their own minds up about kindness. They will have to walk around their streets and their towns and wonder what they would be like if people as shallow as Vine had never had any influence over our country. They will have to wonder if they ought to feel sorry for people who feel very sorry for themselves already. In one of the only political insights that illuminate this book's dense fog of self-pity and thwarted ambition, George Osborne warns Michael Gove in early 2016: 'If you go for Leave you will confer respectability on the mob.' It's taken a while for this warning's snobbery to fade and its prescience to become clear but we are presently hurtling towards a near future where Lee Anderson is the Home Secretary. The mob is coming, and in her own small way, Sarah Vine helped lead it to the gates of power. In the end, it's not just self-exposure that has inexorable consequences. [See also: Has Caitlin Moran ever met a man?] Related

The National
an hour ago
- The National
Keir Starmer urged to open visa scheme for Gaza citizens
Dozens of Westminster parliamentarians wrote to the Prime Minister over the issue, including two SNP MPs. Sky News reports that 67 MPs and Lords from across the political spectrum asked Starmer and Home Secretary Yvette Cooper to create a 'Gaza Family scheme'. They argued it should be set up to "reunite [Palestinians] with their loved ones in the UK until it is safe to return". READ MORE: Social Security Scotland is 'shining example of what independence can do' The letter adds: "Just as the UK opened its doors to those fleeing persecution in Ukraine and Hong Kong, we believe that the same generosity should be extended to Palestinian families.' In 2022, shortly after Russia invaded Ukraine, the UK opened the Ukraine Family Scheme to allow Ukrainian nationals to join family members in the UK, allowing them to live, work and study in the country for up to three years. Applications for the scheme closed in February 2024. The UK also opened a British National (Overseas) visa that allowed Hong Kong citizens to come to the UK after China imposed strict national security laws, allowing them to live in the country for five years and then apply for British citizenship. The politicians told the PM, in a letter sent on Sunday, that they had "grave concern at the immense suffering inflicted on Palestinians in Gaza". They added that Israel was guilty of "shattering the temporary ceasefire agreement", intensifying its 'campaign of bombardment and military assaults, and targeting of people accessing humanitarian aid,' and weaponising starvation. (Image: UK Parliament) The letter was signed by 35 Labour MPs and Lords members, including Clive Lewis and Stella Creasy. SNP MPs Graham Leadbitter and Brendan O'Hara (above), joined independents Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell, all four Green MPs, LibDems Tim Farron and Layla Moran, and several Northern Ireland MPs in signing the letter. It adds that allowing a visa scheme for Gazans would allow Palestinians to reunite with their families - "people they may never see again unless urgent action is taken". The MPs added that some Gazans who have attempted to come to the UK have 'struggled to navigate the immigration system', particularly the biometrics they are required to provide which has been made 'impossible' by the destruction of the visa application centre in Gaza and blocked at the Rafah crossing. The letter also notes the lack of safe zones or ways out of Gaza, with MPs stating some constituents have family members who managed to flee Gaza to Egypt but have been 'stuck in limbo'. READ MORE: I'm still using my baby box – here's how my family benefitted from it Marsha de Cordova, Labour MP for Battersea, helped organise the letter with the Gaza Families Reunited. She told Sky News: "The Ukrainian Family Visa Scheme was the right response to a brutal war. "Establishing a Gaza Family Visa Scheme would be an extension of those same principles, showing that this government is steadfast in its commitment to helping families experiencing the worst horrors of war. "It is time for the government to act now to help British Palestinians get their loved ones to safety, enabling them to rebuild their lives." Ghassan Ghaban, spokesperson for Gaza Families Reunited, said that Labour in opposition urged the Tory government to do more to help British Palestinians help get their families to safety, adding that there are only a 'small number' who are impacted. "We are still waiting for the new government to do the right thing," he said. "We, as Palestinians in the UK, simply want the opportunity to bring our loved ones from Gaza to safety, until it is safe to return. "The UK welcomed those fleeing war and persecution in Ukraine and Hong Kong with open arms. All we are asking for is the same treatment to be extended to our family members who have experienced unimaginable trauma as a result of Israel's genocide in Gaza.' A UK Government spokesperson said: "The death and destruction in Gaza is intolerable. "Since day one, we have been clear that we need to see an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages cruelly detained by Hamas, better protection of civilians, significantly more aid consistently entering Gaza, and a path to long-term peace and stability. "There are a range of routes available for Palestinians who wish to join family members in the UK."