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Analysis: For Algeria, Polisario is an Ally, MAK is a Threat

Analysis: For Algeria, Polisario is an Ally, MAK is a Threat

Morocco World07-06-2025
Doha – Algeria's military regime is waging a calculated geopolitical charade in North Africa, fueling instability abroad while silencing resistance at home. Under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and military chief Saïd Chengriha, the Algerian state has morphed into a launchpad for armed separatist agendas, even as it violently represses peaceful calls for autonomy within its own borders.
This glaring contradiction lays bare a regime built not on principles of self-determination, but on selective oppression, weaponized hypocrisy, and a desperate bid to maintain regional influence at any cost.
According to an analysis by Sahel Intelligence, 'this paradox is flagrant. Algeria, which qualifies the MAK as a 'terrorist group' without providing concrete evidence of violent acts, simultaneously offers official support to a movement like the Polisario, regularly associated with activities threatening the stability of the region.'
The report exposes how Algeria's military leadership has weaponized the concept of self-determination, deploying it selectively to advance regional destabilization while denying the same rights to its own citizens.
Algeria's handling of the two movements exposes a glaring double standard—sharp, deliberate, and impossible to miss. The Kabyle independence movement, represented by the Government of Kabylia in exile (GPK) in France, has consistently advocated for peaceful means to achieve self-determination.
'Under Ferhat Mehenni, the Movement for Self-determination of Kabylia (MAK) has always claimed a peaceful, secular and democratic struggle, rejecting any recourse to violence or terrorism,' notes the Sahel Intelligence analysis.
'The MAK denounces a policy of systemic marginalization of Kabylia by the Algerian state, on linguistic, economic, religious and identity levels,' adds the analysis.
Meanwhile, Algeria provides comprehensive support to the Polisario Front, which has become 'a hired regional gun that implements Iranian agendas in North Africa.'
This goes in line with Algerian objectives in the Western Mediterranean and the Sahel. Algeria's behavior exacerbates tensions and fuels risks of a major regional war that would set back decades of efforts to preserve peace, security, and prosperity in southern Europe and along Africa's Atlantic front.
'Alger furnishes refuge, financing and military as well as diplomatic assistance. Algeria hosts the movement in the Tindouf camps, presents it as a liberation movement, and advocates on its behalf in international forums,' the report states.
Polisario's terrorist ties are an open secret
The Polisario's terrorist ties are no longer whispers in the dark—they've stepped into the spotlight. Last April, Republican politician John Wilson stressed Washington's 'determination to support the North African kingdom in confronting the threats posed by Polisario Front terrorists' during a meeting with Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita.
Multiple intelligence reports have documented the Polisario's connections with terrorist organizations. The Sahel Intelligence analysis points to 'connections with Hamas and Iran, via weapons and training networks, complicity with AQMI (Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb) and other jihadist groups operating in the Sahel, facilitating arms trafficking and kidnappings.'
These elements have led several observers and states to characterize 'the instrumentalization of the Tindouf camps by the chief of staff General Saïd Chengriha, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and his advisers, for opaque paramilitary activities, far from the standards of international conventions on refugees.'
The situation in the Tindouf camps has deteriorated significantly. Recent protests erupted following what the Sahrawi Association for the Defence of Human Rights (ASADEDH) described as a 'horrific massacre' committed by the Algerian army in the Arkoub district of the Dakhla camp. The incident resulted in two deaths and nine injuries, with three victims in critical condition.
NGOs strongly condemned the Algerian army's actions, pointing out that Polisario militias not only failed to denounce the attack but actively aided in suppressing protesters demanding justice for the victims.
The growing discontent within the Tindouf camps has ignited an unprecedented wave of dissent, with frustrated Sahrawis openly demanding an end to decades of exploitation and false promises.
According to local sources, chants once unthinkable in Polisario-controlled zones are now echoing through the camps. As they muster the courage to oppose the separatist group's illusive agenda, this emerging cohort of Sahrawi dissidents is calling not just for relief from their prolonged suffering, but for the immediate acceptance of Morocco's autonomy initiative as the only viable path forward.
The total collapse of Polisario's Algeria-sponsored separatism is increasingly within reach
The United Kingdom's recent alignment with Morocco on the Western Sahara marks a profound geopolitical shift. Not only does this shift consolidate the position of the world's major powers – including the US, France, and Spain – in favor of Morocco's territorial integrity, but also signals the collapse of the post-colonial ambivalence that long enabled Algerian-sponsored separatism to persist.
That even former colonial actors now endorse Morocco's autonomy initiative reflects a recalibration of global realpolitik: sovereignty, territorial integrity, and strategic partnership now outweigh outdated fantasies of Balkanizing North Africa.
If regional tensions continue to escalate and mounting intelligence confirms links between Polisario members and activities that undermine regional security, the path toward designating the group as a terrorist organization in the medium term will become significantly clearer—and more politically inevitable.
While the Polisario has not completely disappeared, it is weakened politically, diplomatically and militarily. The balance of power clearly favors Morocco, which is advancing its autonomy initiative, regional development plans, and garnering increasing international support.
If the current trend continues, particularly if the US administration designates the Polisario as a terrorist organization, Algeria may find itself forced to reconsider its support for the separatist group to avoid incurring the wrath of America and the Western world.
Read also: Hilale Slams Algeria's Regime Over Regional Destabilization, Hypocrisy, and Separatism
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Oued Eddahab Recovery: Why August 14 Is Morocco's Most Candid Day of Sovereignty
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Marrakech – On August 14, 1979, notables, ulema and tribal elders from Oued Eddahab filed into the Royal Palace in Rabat and recited the bay'ah to King Hassan II, a ceremony that fused law, history and political will into one moment of national consolidation, and when the King responded that he had received their pledge and would 'preserve it as the most precious trust,' he fixed the date in the public memory as the day Morocco turned an impasse into a commitment, a promise from people to throne and from throne to people. That ceremony is now marked every year as an official public holiday in Morocco. But it matters less for the menu of paid days off than for what it says about the constitutional grammar of the state, because in the Moroccan tradition, sovereignty is not just a cartographic assertion; it is a living contract renewed by communities that declare who they are and where they belong. 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The arrangement came under immediate Algerian attack. Algiers viewed a Morocco–Mauritania axis as an existential threat to its regional leverage, funnelling arms to the Polisario and escalating guerrilla warfare. The decisive break came in July 1979, when a military coup in Mauritania shifted the country's alignment toward Algiers. Within weeks, Nouakchott signed the 'Algiers Agreement' with the Polisario, pledging to withdraw from Oued Eddahab and hand it over to the separatists. The deal, set to take effect in seven months, could have transformed the war by giving the guerrillas deep-water access and an international staging point. Morocco moved before the ink dried. In early August, the Royal Armed Forces advanced to secure the territory, and on August 14, in an unmistakable rejection of the Algiers plan, the region's tribal leaders traveled to Rabat to renew their bay'a to the Moroccan monarch – a legal and political snub to both Mauritania's new rulers and Algeria's military establishment. Hassan II's position was unapologetically blunt: 'If Mauritania chooses a path, we shall stand beside her – on the condition it does not touch a single inch of Moroccan soil nor place a foreign frontier between Morocco and Mauritania.' 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When the Polisario tried to force a crisis at Guerguerat in late 2020 by blocking the vital road link to Mauritania, Morocco moved to secure the corridor and restore traffic while partners publicly emphasized the need to keep the passage open, a small incident in kilometers yet a large one in meaning because it showed where the region's commercial arteries actually run and who has the capacity and legitimacy to keep them flowing. The desert wall that pins the ceasefire line across more than two thousand kilometers remains the lived geography of this standoff, a long earthwork that turned raiding warfare into sporadic potshots. And for all the heated rhetoric about a return to war since 2020, the facts on the ground point to a low-intensity pattern that never alters the strategic balance and never dislodges the basic UN framing of a negotiated political settlement. The new diplomatic geometry The cartography of recognition and support has been redrawn in the last five years, and anyone pretending otherwise is reading from yesterday's briefings. Because, for one thing, the United States recognized Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara in December 2020, and subsequent administrations have not reversed that proclamation. For another thing, the official US line has hardened around the Moroccan Autonomy Plan as the sole viable basis under the UN process. More importantly, perhaps, Spain, the former administering power, pivoted in March 2022 by embracing and describing the 2007 Moroccan plan as the most serious, credible, and realistic proposal. In fact, Madrid's phrasing of its newfound support for the Moroccan plan has become the European template for discarding Polisario's statehood dream as untenable and far-fetched. Take, for instance, France's decision in July 2024 to forgo decades of ambivalence by publicly declaring autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty as the only workable path. As if that was not distressing enough for dreamers of Sahrawi nationalism and their handlers in Algiers, London echoed this shift just last June, when the UK government endorsed autonomy as the credible and pragmatic solution. And so, four decades after Oued Eddahab's recovery, Morocco's Autonomy Plan has become the only realistic framework on the table. Proposed in 2007, the autonomy plan has since won explicit or tacit support from over 120 countries across every region, making it one of the most internationally endorsed conflict-resolution frameworks in Africa. It lays out a system in which the Saharan population would elect its own legislative and executive bodies, manage local resources, and preserve cultural identity, while foreign affairs, defense, and currency remain under Moroccan sovereignty. 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