
Keir Starmer was quick to condemn Kneecap, but strangely silent on Moygashel
burning of effigies
of people in a boat atop a bonfire in Moygashel in Co Tyrone last week is an especially grotesque brand of racism.
Stormont's First Minister
Michelle O'Neill
referred to 'openly racist displays that are sickening and deplorable' and called for political leadership. Where is that leadership? And how can it effectively tackle these annual expressions of unhinged hate?
Where is the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland,
Hilary Benn
, on this?
Keir Starmer
found the time to speak about an
Irish band playing Glastonbury
, making interventions that exerted huge political pressure on the festival. Why did he not have anything to say about the premeditated, explicit and threatening racism on display in Moygashel last week?
In June Starmer condemned the
racist violence in Ballymena
. In May Starmer made his Enoch Powell-esque 'island of strangers' speech. Note the singular 'island'. Starmer is especially well-placed to speak on the North given that he was a human rights adviser to the Northern Ireland Policing Board, yet he said nothing.
READ MORE
Yvette Cooper declared Palestine Action a 'proscribed' group, turning a bunch of people protesting against genocide into 'terrorists' in the eyes of the law (and rhetoric) overnight. Expressing support for Palestine Action is now illegal in the UK – a ludicrous, dangerous situation that frames those desiring peace and an end to war crimes and mass murder as the enemy. There was not a peep from her on Moygashel either. Kemi Badenoch accused the BBC of 'rewarding extremism' by broadcasting Kneecap's Glastonbury set. On Moygashel's spectacle of actual extremism, however, she has been silent.
Those who have called it out for what it is
deserve credit. They include John McDowell, the Church of Ireland Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland. He described it as 'racist, threatening and offensive. It certainly has nothing whatsoever to do with Christianity or with Protestant culture and is in fact inhuman and deeply sub-Christian'.
Sinn Féin's Colm Gildernew labelled it a 'clear incitement to hatred'.
UUP leader Mike Nesbitt described it as 'sickening, deplorable and entirely out of step with what is supposed to be a cultural celebration'.
Amnesty International's Patrick Corrigan called it a 'vile, dehumanising act that fuels hatred and racism'.
Claire Hanna, the leader of the SDLP, called it 'disgusting' and 'a deeply dehumanising provocation'.
On Friday, Taoiseach
Micheál Martin
said he 'was dismayed' by the display. 'Archbishop McDowell made a strong comment on it and he's right – it's racist, threatening, and offensive and it's unChristian and lacking in any appreciation of human dignity.'
[
'Clear incitement to hatred': Calls for removal of migrant effigies in boat placed on loyalist bonfire
Opens in new window
]
The PSNI eventually said they were investigating the 'material placed upon a bonfire' as a 'hate incident'. The PSNI did not dismantle
another bonfire in Belfast
when a city council committee voted that such action should be taken, and asked the PSNI to assist contractors in doing so. The request to have it removed was rooted in concerns that the electricity supply to Belfast City Hospital and Royal Victoria Hospital was at risk due to the proximity of that bonfire to a substation, and because there is asbestos at the bonfire site.
The decision to let it burn regardless was driven by the potential for violence. The decision is understandable in operational terms – had the PSNI set about dismantling it, riots were inevitable, and everyone knows that threat of violence ultimately emanates from the UDA and the UVF. Northern Ireland's Environment Minister and Alliance Party MLA Andrew Muir also told the BBC that 'the removal of asbestos is very complex and delicate. It requires the site to be completely vacated.' He asked people 'not to light this bonfire if they could.'
Year in, year out, the burning of effigies, hate slogans and flags is accepted. Were it not, effective action would be taken to end it. The reluctance to interfere – by politicians and police – is unacceptable when there are lives at risk, both from direct racist violence and the incitement of it.
This is a tired cycle, the playing out of a pathetic desire for negative attention. Perhaps there is even a subconscious – or a tacit – understanding that the Britain those making such effigies are loyal to barely thinks about them. This reality may be so painful that it produces a desire to burn something. Anything. Anyone. Boats, mannequins, effigies, flags.
I take no issue with bonfires as spectacle and
community events
celebrating culture. In a pluralist society, expressions of identity, community, and the rituals and traditions that accompany them are important. But there is something rotten about leveraging what is supposed to be an expression of long-standing culture and tradition for contemporary expressions of racist hate, with phraseology borrowed from the likes of Nigel Farage (a man who once got paid a few quid to say 'up the Ra' during his pathetic hustle selling personalised video clip messages via Cameo).
It's a pity the imagery of this bonfire did not make the front pages the world over. Maybe then, the blind eye could open to confront a spectacle of festering racism and red hot hate.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
3 hours ago
- Irish Times
Chance to end the scourge of paramilitaries in Northern Ireland cannot be lost again
More than seven years ago, the first collective statement from loyalist paramilitaries since the 1994 ceasefire was read out on their behalf by the former Church of Ireland Archbishop Alan Harper in the Linen Hall Library in Belfast. Dubbed a Loyalist Declaration of Transformation, it received widespread media coverage and was welcomed by the then taoiseach Leo Varadkar as 'a commitment to ensure loyalist communities are at the centre of Northern Ireland's peace and political transformation'. No such support was offered by the British prime minister or the secretary of state for Northern Ireland of the day. Indeed, the British government did nothing then, or since, to build on the declaration's contents or see any value in what it might mean. Perhaps little remembered now, the declaration had come following months of close engagement with a small team of interlocutors and the paramilitary leaderships of the loyalist paramilitary groups – the UDA , the UVF and the Red Hand Commando. READ MORE Finalised and agreed over a day of intense discussion, it offered a basis for change and its intention was to make clear a new direction away from paramilitarism towards communal and social development. Ignored by the British government after it was released, to my knowledge, no British representative ever sought afterwards to meet the interlocutors about what they had done, how they had done it and where it might lead. That was, and remains, a lost opportunity. Those opportunities briefly offered by the declaration were lost in the serious tensions over Brexit and the Northern Ireland protocol and were then compounded by the havoc of the Covid pandemic , while the loyalist leaderships became distracted by internal problems. Momentum was lost. Now that an expert is to be appointed to report on the dismantling of Northern Ireland's paramilitary groups, it would be a mistake not to revisit the 2018 declaration and to talk to those who brought it about. Clearly the leaderships trusted those interlocutors. Paramilitary leaders do not make collective public statements of intent too often. They took the declaration very, very seriously, even if others did not. A large chunk of the declaration addressed ongoing criminality. However, it is understandable that many would dismiss such comments as a cynical ploy to deflect attention from behaviour that had continued unabated, or grown, since 1998. The Loyalist Declaration of Transformation was welcomed by Leo Varadkar, taoiseach at the time it was issued. Photograph:Unfortunately, the scale of criminality today and since, involving loyalist paramilitaries – everything from drugs, to controlling prostitution, to the extortion that too often happens in their own communities – gives only further credence to those doubts. Nevertheless, the best way to isolate, expose and deal with criminals is through changes that isolate them in their own communities, backed and supported by the Police Service of Northern Ireland , from its highest levels to its lowest. Certainly, the absence of such an agreement serves criminals better than if one were in play, where structures and mechanisms could help identify and charge those who wantonly impose coercion and misery on their communities. If a new declaration is to be agreed now, loyalist paramilitary leaders must work hand-in-hand with the police. However, more than that is needed. New measures to improve education within loyalist communities are urgently required, as is more investment. In addition, loyalist communities must be represented politically by their own – an outcome sadly lacking since the Belfast Agreement , even if it began with hope under David Ervine and Gary McMichael . But it is not just about loyalist leaders. Unionist political leaders of all colours, many of whom have long ignored loyalist communities, must work to make such areas more confident, to offer hope of better days. This abdication of social and political responsibility by London – even if the blame has to be shared with unionist political leaders – has contributed significantly to the deprivation, the sense of loss and the growing anxieties and expressions of anger in loyalist areas. This must change. Equally, loyalist paramilitaries, too, must begin the path of honest self-examination about their role in past bloodshed. Such a process must run in parallel to a similar course within republican communities. For both, there is still a long journey to travel. The Civic Forum that was legislated for and ran during the first couple of years after the Belfast Agreement should be reborn, but the idea of bringing communities together in such ways should not be confined to Northern Ireland. Two more should be created, one to bring communities from all parts of the island of Ireland together, and the second to look at an even more neglected relationship, the one between the island of Ireland and Britain. The three-stranded structure of the Belfast Agreement should not just be one for politicians, it should be one for the people they serve, too. In ways that can build ties, share experiences and increase understanding of the other. And it must involve loyalist communities at every turn. Everything must be conditional on paramilitary groups finally disappearing nearly 30 years after the conflict they were involved in was said to have ended. That work will not be easy. The leaderships will require support to achieve it. The difficulties should be underestimated by no one, even if most have long since lost patience with endless debate surrounding the matter. New paramilitary groups will have to be crushed decisively and swiftly. Equally, every funding pledge made by London, or, if that happens, Dublin, must be linked finally with proven changes on the ground, not just promises. There can be no repeat of the endless government grants of the past. When it comes, the report from the soon-to-be appointed expert must be hard-hitting and extensive. Tens of millions will be needed, if not more, over the years to finally eradicate the scourge of paramilitarism. The human cost and all the implications of that, in places long ignored by those in power, will be much greater if, yet again, an opportunity for change is missed and little is achieved. The chance cannot be thrown away again. Graham Spencer is Emeritus Professor of Social and Political Conflict at the University of Portsmouth.


Irish Times
8 hours ago
- Irish Times
Downpatrick community ‘shaken and deeply upset' by recent attacks, says Bishop
A community in Co Down has been 'shaken and upset deeply' by the attack on a priest and the fatal assault of a man at the weekend, parishioners have heard. Father John Murray (75) was struck on the head in a brutal attack at St Patrick's Church in Downpatrick on Sunday. He was approached by a man who asked if he would hear his confession ahead of the morning service, and then attacked as shocked parishioners arrived for mass. Father Murray had been due to retire later this week. READ MORE Police have said the attack may be linked to the death of a man in Downpatrick who has been named locally as painter and father-of-two Stephen Brannigan (50s). He was found dead in the Marian Park area at about noon on Sunday. A man (30) is being questioned by police on suspicion of murder. Fr Maurice Henry during a Mass at St Colmcille's Church in Downpatrick, Co Down. Photograph: Liam McBurney/PA Wire At a Mass held for Fr Murray and Mr Brannigan's on Tuesday, Bishop McGuckian said the whole community has been 'shaken and upset deeply' by the recent events. The Bishop of Down and Connor encouraged parishioners to find courage and hope after a 'traumatic and shocking' few days. Speaking after the mass, Bishop McGuckian said he derived 'consolation' from hearing that 'hundreds' of people had gathered spontaneously to pray for Mr Brannigan and Fr Murray. 'That gives me a sense that in this community there are the resources to really come together and be strong for one another. There are great people in this community,' he said. He said Fr Murray is 'increasingly comfortable' and will do well in his recovery in hospital. A man killed in Downpatrick, Co Down , in an incident believed to be linked to a serious attack on a parish priest was a 'beloved dad, grandad, son and brother', his family has said. Meanwhile, Mr Brannigan's family has expressed thanks to people who have surrounded them 'in the midst of our shock, pain and total heartbreak at the news of the brutal murder of our beloved dad, grandad, son and brother'. The family said Mr Brannigan was known among his neighbours and friends as someone who was 'always willing to help out, ready to do whatever needed to be done for the good of others'. A Police Service of Northern Ireland officer at the scene in the Marian Park area of Downpatrick, Co Down, after a murder investigation was launched into a man's death that police said may be linked to an attack on a priest in a church in Co Down. Photograph: Liam McBurney/PA Wire 'Even the day before he died, he was tending the graves of friends and neighbours as he did, almost every day, the grave of his late wife Dorenda, who died five years ago from cancer.' 'Stephen faced many difficult issues in his life. We know his life was not perfect. But for us, he was our dad, our grandad, our son and our brother. 'His rock through all of this was Dorenda. We pray they will be reunited now in perfect peace and love,' the statement reads. They also expressed their 'deep concern' for Canon Murray, who is 'highly respected by our family and by all in our community'. 'It is so typical of his kindness that he was willing to reach out in trust to someone he believed was in distress, despite the obvious risk to himself. 'With so many others, we pray for his full recovery and thank him for his own prayers for us which he has conveyed through the priests of the parish,' the family said. Canon Murray, who was hit on the head with a bottle days before his retirement, remains in a serious but stable condition. While investigations are at an early stage, one line of inquiry is that the murder and attack are connected. Supt Norman Haslett, the District Commander for Newry, Mourne and Down, said there would be an increased police presence in the area over the coming days. 'For a man to be murdered and a priest to be attacked in the sanctity of his own church, these are appalling acts and I understand that many people will inevitably be struggling to come to terms with both grief and shock,' he said. Local SDLP councillor Conor Galbraith said there was concern locally around a 'delay' in the police response following the discovery of Mr Brannigan's body. He said this was 'very distressing' for the family 'while the suspect remained at large.' 'Given the seriousness of this situation I will be raising this with the local police commander to get a better understanding of what exactly happened here,' he said. A spokeswoman for the Police Service of Northern Ireland said police arrived at the Marian Park area of Downpatrick within 30 minutes of receiving an emergency call.


Irish Times
12 hours ago
- Irish Times
Family pay tribute to Downpatrick assault victim who always acted ‘for the good of others'
A man killed in Downpatrick, Co Down , in an incident believed to be linked to a serious attack on a parish priest was a 'beloved dad, grandad, son and brother', his family has said. Stephen Brannigan, a painter and father oftwo aged in his 50s, was found dead in the Marian Park area at about noon on Sunday. The discovery was made soon after a serious assault on Canon John Murray (75), who was attacked in St Patrick's Church after he was asked to hear someone's Confession. A 30-year-old man remains in custody in connection with the fatal attack on Stephen Brannigan and serious assault on Canon Murray. READ MORE In a statement, Mr Brannigan's family expressed their thanks to those who have surrounded them 'in the midst of our shock, pain and total heartbreak at the news of the brutal murder of our beloved dad, grandad, son and brother'. The family said Mr Brannigan was known among his neighbours and friends as someone who was 'always willing to help out, ready to do whatever needed to be done for the good of others'. 'Even the day before he died, he was tending the graves of friends and neighbours as he did, almost every day, the grave of his late wife Dorenda, who died five years ago from cancer.' 'Stephen faced many difficult issues in his life. We know his life was not perfect. But for us, he was our dad, our grandad, our son and our brother. 'His rock through all of this was Dorenda. We pray they will be reunited now in perfect peace and love,' the statement reads. They also expressed their 'deep concern' for Canon Murray, who is 'highly respected by our family and by all in our community'. 'It is so typical of his kindness that he was willing to reach out in trust to someone he believed was in distress, despite the obvious risk to himself. 'With so many others, we pray for his full recovery and thank him for his own prayers for us which he has conveyed through the priests of the parish,' the family said. Canon Murray, who was hit on the head with a bottle days before his retirement, remains in a serious but stable condition. While investigations are at an early stage, one line of inquiry is that the murder and attack are connected. Supt Norman Haslett, the District Commander for Newry, Mourne and Down, said there would be an increased police presence in the area over the coming days. 'For a man to be murdered and a priest to be attacked in the sanctity of his own church, these are appalling acts and I understand that many people will inevitably be struggling to come to terms with both grief and shock,' he said. Speaking to the BBC, Bishop Alan McGuckian said he and parishioners were 'shocked beyond measure' at the 'awful injuries' inflicted on the priest. He said they could see 'he had been beaten around the head, I think he had defensive injuries, broken bones in his hand, there was a lot of blood, it looked ... extremely serious. 'Thank God it has turned out to be serious but not critical.' Local SDLP councillor Conor Galbraith said there was concern locally around a 'delay' in the police response following the discovery of Mr Brannigan's body. He said this was 'very distressing' for the family 'while the suspect remained at large.' 'Given the seriousness of this situation I will be raising this with the local police commander to get a better understanding of what exactly happened here,' he said. A spokeswoman for the Police Service of Northern Ireland said police arrived at the Marian Park area of Downpatrick within 30 minutes of receiving an emergency call.