'I can't hear you!' Putin points to his ear when reporter asks if he'll 'stop killing civilians'
The moment occurred after Putin and Donald Trump greeted each other in Alaska.
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Spectator
25 minutes ago
- Spectator
The uncomfortable history of Narva
The Alaska talks between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin might have happened on American territory, but the symbolism of their location is a win for the Russian President. Alaska is considerably closer to Russia than it is to the rest of mainland America, and it was once a Russian territory. Putin was returning to a land previously conquered by his people. On Russia's opposite border, to the west, it is Russia's imperial past, and Putin's twisted view of shared history, that worries Europeans. Narva, Estonia's third largest city, is a strange place, and seems even stranger since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The Narva river – from which the city gets its name – separates Estonia from Russia; two fortresses stand across each other imposing on the landscape, the 13th century Hermann Castle on the Estonian side and the 15th century Ivangorod Fortress on the Russian side. Two other symbols of Russian influence are hard to miss in the town: the Orthodox Church, and a now abandoned 19th century textiles factory that suffered in the years following the collapse of the USSR. Over 90 per cent of Narva's population speak Russian. This worries many Estonians, who think Putin could invade under the pretext of protecting this minority. For years, Estonia's Russian minority wasn't considered problematic. That has changed since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Estonia has begun phasing out Russian as a first language in education and it plans to remove the voting rights of foreign citizens in local elections. In Narva, long queues now form at the aptly named 'Friendship Bridge' – a 162 mile Soviet-era bridge that links Estonia to Russia. Vehicle travel was banned in 2024, and it can take hours to cross now. In recent weeks, Estonia has begun installing metal gates on the bridge for further deterrence. One-hundred-and-thirty miles away in Tallinn, Estonia's modern, bustling and charming capital, opposition to Russia is hard to avoid. The Russian Embassy is in the centre of town and the makeshift riot fences, protecting the building from protestors, are plastered with posters. 'Putin is a Killer' stands out among a sea of red handprints and pictures of the late Alexei Navalny. A smattering of protestors gather every week outside the embassy to protest. This isn't new. It started in 2008 following the Russian invasion of Georgia, but has grown in size since. There are many reminders of Estonia's Soviet past. One of the most imposing buildings on the Tallinn skyline is the high-rise Hotel Viru. The rectangular 1970s block is a prefab building built in 1972 that stands imposing on the outskirts of the old city walls. The hotel is still in use, but it's more popular for the secrets held on its top floor – once upon a time it was the unofficial headquarters of the KGB in Estonia. The floor was out of bounds and, with only foreign dignitaries and visitors allowed to stay in the hotel. It was an open secret that rooms were bugged. In the confusion of the early 1990s as the USSR fell, KGB operatives slowly snuck out of the hotel. Locals were so terrified that it was weeks before they accessed the top floors to discover the spying devices and records left behind. Earlier this year when I toured the building, my Estonian guide told me he felt he could say 'with certainty' that 'the USSR is back'. It sounded like hyperbole, but only this week Estonia declared a Russian diplomat persona non grata. The Baltic memory of Russian espionage runs deep. Estonia became an independent sovereign nation in 1991 for only the second time in its history; both times bookended by Russia, with the former being the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1919. The pattern is the same for its Baltic neighbours Lithuania and Latvia. This history of Russian interference in the Baltics is why Estonians are still uneasy. The Baltic governments of the post-Soviet era were determined not to repeat the mistakes of their first period of collective independence. The countries were swallowed up by the USSR during the second world war and debate still rages between the Baltics, who view it as an occupation, and the Russians, who argue they protected them from the Nazis. The violence and oppression across the Baltics at the hands of the Soviets was so bad that many citizens quietly celebrated when the Nazis occupied them for several years in the middle of the war, though this isn't something many would be keen to highlight. The post-war period heralded almost half a century of Soviet occupation. Once the USSR fell, the Baltic nations lobbied, and fiercely planned, to turn west – and, less than a decade later, they joined both the EU and Nato on the same day. This is what has set the three nations apart from other former parts of the USSR which have faced continuous Russian interference – namely Ukraine and Georgia. The Russian threat for the Baltics remains, however. Estonia and Latvia are vulnerable across their eastern borders with Russia; Lithuania's longest border is with Belarus; and the exclave of Kaliningrad (between Lithuania and Poland) is just 40 miles from the Russian-backed autocracy. An incursion across this strip, the Suwalki Gap, would cut the Baltic nations off from the rest of Europe in one fell swoop. Half a century of Baltic history was determined by the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, the carving up of Europe between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. Many Europeans have long feared that Putin will seek to do similar with Trump. For Estonians, suddenly Alaska doesn't seem so far away.
Daily Mail
26 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
Historic red state town with Victorian charm faces population boom
Once celebrated for its historic Victorian architecture and small-town charm, Clarksville, Tennessee , is now grappling with the growing pains of being one of the fastest-expanding cities in America. The population of the military town that sits close to Fort Campbell on the border with Kentucky has soared past 186,000. This is a jump of nearly 20,000 in just four years - but the housing market hasn't kept pace, driving prices sky-high and leaving many locals struggling to find a place to live. A new housing study warns that the shortage spans both rental and for-sale properties, with limited supply and a lack of variety in available homes. The squeeze is forcing some residents to spend a disproportionate share of their income on housing, cutting into local spending and threatening long-term economic stability. City officials acknowledge the problem, but the scale of Clarksville's growth has left them scrambling to balance development with infrastructure needs while preserving the historic charm that draws people here in the first place. Council member Deanna McLaughlin called the situation 'urgent', pointing to a severe five-year housing gap of more than 15,000 units - including 8,595 for-sale homes and 6,598 rentals across all price points - and noted that both affordable and market-rate rentals are nearly at full occupancy. 'Limited options and rising costs are creating a significant cost burden for residents,' she said. 'We're seeing 43.6 percent of renters and 20 percent of homeowners spending more than 30 percent of their income on housing, which is above the state average. Incomes simply aren't keeping pace with the cost of living .' Local real estate agent Tyler Forte, who services Clarksville from his base in Nashville, says the city has undergone a dramatic transformation in just a few years. 'Even three years ago, Clarksville was kind of Nashville's stepsister - known mainly for the military base and university, with a lot of farmland and a small-town feel,' Forte said. 'Since COVID, it's just absolutely taken off. They're building a ton of homes and commercial projects, new grocery stores, and even two new hospitals. It's gone from being an afterthought to a major city in Tennessee.' Much of that growth, Forte says, has been driven by both out-of-state buyers and Nashville residents seeking a lower cost of living. 'As Nashville prices have climbed, I've had a lot of clients who've moved to Clarksville for more affordable housing,' he explained. Forte notes that new construction dominates the market, which can be a double-edged sword. 'Most of the homes I see in Clarksville are brand new - even something built in 2015 is considered old. Builders are offering big incentives, like interest rate buy-downs through their preferred lenders. One client just locked in a 3.99 percent rate through Lennar's in-house lending program - a huge drop from the 6.5-7 percent you'd see with a typical lender. 'Because the builder owns the lender, they can offer aggressive financing deals that make new construction especially attractive,' he said. While bidding wars aren't as common as they once were, Forte says competition still exists for certain properties. 'If a home is unique, move-in ready, and priced right, it can still spark multiple offers. But out of the 80 homes I sold in the past year, only about three had bidding wars.' Some parts of the city remain hotter than others. 'The Sango area in the south is the most competitive,' Forte said. 'It's closer to Nashville, has a strong school district, and that combination is always going to drive demand.' However, Forte doesn't believe the real shortage is in housing stock. 'They're building as fast as they possibly can,' he said. 'The bigger issue is infrastructure. This was mostly farmland 10 years ago, and the public systems just aren't built to handle this kind of population growth so quickly.' Although the boom has brought new businesses and job opportunities, it has also fueled concerns about traffic congestion, rezoning battles, and environmental impacts in a city where Victorian-era streets and landmarks now sit in the shadow of sprawling new subdivisions. McLaughlin said younger residents and first-time buyers are especially hard-hit, with many unable to qualify for mortgages and a shortage of smaller 'starter' homes in the market. She warned that building quickly without careful planning could worsen traffic congestion, strain public services, and erode the character of historic neighborhoods. 'If the housing shortage persists, the most pressing concerns would be an increase in the number of cost-burdened residents, particularly those in lower- and middle-income brackets,' she said. 'That could lead to the departure of essential workers and drive prices even higher,' she added. Patrick Bowen, president of Bowen National Research, led the assessment that laid bare Clarksville's housing shortage - and its wider economic consequences. 'Whether it's rental or for-sale housing, there's not much available,' Bowen told local FOX affiliate WZTV Nashville. 'And what you do have is really not affordable for many low- to moderate-income households.' He warned that rising housing costs don't just hit residents - they ripple through the local economy. 'When you've got people spending exorbitant amounts on housing, that's less money going back into the local economy. It has an impact on employers, too; the workforce can't afford to stay in the market, or afford the rent they're paying.' Bowen says the newly compiled data can help Clarksville plan smarter: 'Now you have data to look to, so when you're setting priorities and goals, you have something that gives you structure, to say, we need to focus on this type of housing or this population.' He also stressed that rushing development could make matters worse. 'Yes, housing is needed quickly, but that doesn't mean it should be rushed. You want to make sure you're building the right kind of housing, in the right places, with the right infrastructure in place.'
Telegraph
26 minutes ago
- Telegraph
How Starmer taught Zelensky to speak Trump
It is hard to overplay the sense of despondency and sheer dread felt by Downing Street insiders as they watched Donald Trump and Volodymyr Zelensky trade barbs in the Oval Office. Just 24 hours earlier, on Feb 27, Sir Keir Starmer had pulled off what the media and Labour loyalists alike saw as a diplomatic triumph with his first meeting with the US president. Weeks of preparation had been invested in how the Prime Minister handled that moment, how to strike the balance of massaging Mr Trump's ego while landing the critical UK talking points. The result was delight from the US president at a state visit invitation, support for Sir Keir's deal to give away the Chagos Islands and warm words on a trade deal from the world's most powerful man. How differently Mr Zelensky's meeting went the next day, when he was harangued by JD Vance, the US-vice president, for not saying thank you to America, as Ukraine's allies looked on, horrified. The contrast of those two meetings – and the way the spiralling row in the latter undercut the progress made on Ukraine in the former – left Sir Keir and his team kicking themselves. Why had they not done more to prepare the Ukrainian president as they had their own Prime Minister? Senior Number 10 figures have since told The Telegraph they felt they dropped the ball. As a result, a new approach is being taken by London and other European capitals – one that comes to fruition on Monday when Mr Zelensky travels to Washington not alone but alongside his allies. A similar trip had almost happened within days of the Oval Office skirmish as Sir Keir, Emmanuel Macron, the French president, and others tried to repair the damage done. But those attempts to get Mr Zelensky back to the White House with European leaders in tow ultimately did not come to fruition. The Prime Minister ended up doing something else to project a similar message: Hugging Mr Zelensky outside the black Number 10 front door in an image that showed he was standing by Kyiv's side. Since then, behind the scenes, there has been a deliberate attempt from British ministers and officials to teach the Ukrainian leader how to 'speak Trump'. It is notable that now Mr Zelensky often begins conversations with American counterparts with a word of thanks for all the US support in countering Russia – a nod to what Mr Vance had demanded. Jonathan Powell, Sir Tony Blair's former chief of staff, who, as Sir Keir's national security adviser, is one of the most influential figures in British foreign policy, has worked closely with the Ukrainians on ways they can best achieve their goals with a MAGA White House. Sir Keir's inner circle believe – with some evidence to back up their case – that they have sussed out the best strategy for trying to influence Mr Trump from the outside. The touchstones are: Do not bite on every provocative statement he makes; Do not publicly try to bounce the US president into a corner (for fear of a backlash by pricking his ego). Instead, heap as much praise on Mr Trump in public as is possible and use your influence behind the scenes to nudge him into a position that best suits your national interests. It is notable how Sir Keir's statement after Mr Trump's Alaskan huddle with Vladimir Putin was not one of condemnation but praise at the White House's attempt to secure peace. 'President Trump's efforts have brought us closer than ever before to ending Russia's illegal war in Ukraine,' read the first line of the Starmer statement issued on Saturday. Meanwhile, European allies have clearly reached a similar conclusion to the Prime Minister – that the best chance of avoiding another White House clash on Monday is to be there themselves alongside Mr Zelensky. As well as Sir Keir, Mr Macron, Friedrich Merz, the German chancellor, Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission president, and Mark Rutte, the Nato secretary general, and others will all be in Washington. Mr Rutte, who bent the knee so far at this summer's Nato summit that he ended up referring to Mr Trump as 'daddy', but in turn won praise for the military alliance at a precarious moment, is a leader who is evidently taking a similar strategy to Sir Keir. But the decision to fly to Washington is also a sign of concern. Getting Europe's most prominent political leaders to rip up their August plans and to rally together many hours of travelling time away from their homes underscores the sense of uncertainty and fear. Two former British ambassadors to Washington told The Telegraph the scramble for the White House shows they know how important it is to unpick Putin's spin. Lord Darroch, who was ambassador during Mr Trump's first term, said: 'This rapidly assembled highest level European delegation accompanying Zelensky to Washington is a sign of profound concern about two aspects of the outcome of the Alaska summit. 'First, the news that President Trump now thinks a comprehensive peace deal should precede a ceasefire. And second, the suggestions that the way to peace could involve Ukraine surrendering still further territory in the Donbas.' Trump was 'rolled over' in Alaska Sir Peter Westmacott, our man in Washington during Barack Obama's tenure, said: 'It indicates to me that the more they look at what happened in Alaska the more they realise that it went badly wrong and that Trump has been rolled over. 'Putin has given nothing and gone home feeling very pleased with himself. So whatever he has talked Trump into believing about Zelensky's responsibility for the conflict, or Russia's right to reconquer its former subjects in eastern Europe, is going to require some pretty robust pushback. 'The president really needs to have a better solution than just thanking Putin for agreeing that he won the election he lost in 2020 and giving up all his threats to sanction Russia simply because Putin says he doesn't want a ceasefire.' Sunday's press conference between Mr Zelensky and Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission President, revealed many of the points the Euro contingent will be pressing on Monday. One, pushing back on the idea of handing over all of Donbas to Putin. Two, demanding an end to Russia's attacks before proper talks. Three, meaningful security guarantees backed up by the US for Ukraine after peace. There will also be a call for Mr Zelensky, Mr Putin and Mr Trump to get together as a three to negotiate territorial changes – a position Moscow is expected to reject, thereby helping frame Putin, not Mr Zelensky, as the blocker to peace. The Prime Minister travels out on Monday. Sir Keir's team believes he understands how to 'speak Trump'. Being there in person is another attempt to help Mr Zelensky to do likewise, helping Ukraine's cause in the process. Whether the US president hears what he wants is another matter.
