logo
Palestinian territories: What makes a state a state?

Palestinian territories: What makes a state a state?

Time of India2 days ago
Representative image
Traditional allies of Israel are increasingly recognizing — or positioning themselves to acknowledge — the existence of Palestine as a state.
The Palestinian territories are the focal point of the current conflict between Israel and Hamas.
The moves by nations like Australia, France, Canada and potentially the United Kingdom to recognize a Palestinian state, joining around 150 others, will not necessarily bring an end to the war or secure territorial borders.
That, as with many other statehood disputes, is because recognized statehood is not a straightforward process.
What makes a state?
There are states of all shapes, sizes and structures; 193 are currently full members of the United Nations.
But not having full UN membership does not preclude those states from participating in the functions of the organization, joining other international bodies and even having diplomatic missions.
Nor is UN membership even required to be a state.
One of the simplest guides for statehood is outlined in the Convention on Rights and Duties of States — the Montevideo Convention — signed in 1933. It lists four criteria for statehood: defined territorial boundaries, a permanent population, a government representing those people and the ability to enter into international agreements
It is sometimes said that a state exists when it's recognized by enough people outside its own territory.
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
Brother Donates Kidney To Save Sister's Life. One Year Later, He Says, I Wish I Never Did It, When This Happens
Daily Sport X
Undo
While recognition isn't a literal part of international conventions, Gezim Visoka, a peace and conflict studies scholar and statehood expert at Dublin City University, Ireland, said it effectively exists through other measures.
"Recognition is crucial for a state to function, to exist internationally, to enter international agreements, to benefit from international treaties, protection from annexation, occupations and other forms of arbitrary intervention from abroad," said Visoka.
"You're in a better place than if you're not recognized."
How to become a UN member state
Recognition of statehood or fulfilling the Montevideo criteria does not automatically lead to UN admission. The process of becoming a member requires a candidate state to follow several steps: a letter to the UN secretary-general, a formal declaration accepting the UN Charter's membership obligations and the support of the secretary-general.
And then, the candidate state must gain the support of members of the UN Security Council.
That includes nine of the 15 council members voting in favor of the candidate, and all five of the permanent members: China, France, Russia, the UK and US. Historically, this has been a difficult barrier for candidate states to pass, even for those that have a high level of recognition.
Palestine, Kosovo and Western Sahara are among states with extensive recognition but that aren't full UN members.
"When Montenegro joined the UN, or Croatia [joined], they had less than 70 recognitions," said Visoka. "Whereas Palestine has almost 150, Kosovo has around 118-119 recognitions, Western Sahara has over 50."
However, if this barrier is passed, a candidate need only receive a two-thirds majority vote of all other UN members at the General Assembly.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Review of The Nehru Years by Swapna Kona Nayudu
Review of The Nehru Years by Swapna Kona Nayudu

The Hindu

timean hour ago

  • The Hindu

Review of The Nehru Years by Swapna Kona Nayudu

When the Cold War ended and a unipolar world order emerged in the early 1990s, India's foreign policy circles were consumed by a big question: had non-alignment run its course as a guiding doctrine? The Soviet Union had disintegrated and its successor state, Russia, was in free fall. India had already begun reorienting its foreign policy towards the West, seeking closer cooperation with the U.S., the new pole of the world. India also scaled back its engagement with the non-aligned movement (NAM), which it had championed during the Cold War. But there was one principle India refused to abandon, even when it became a close partner of the U.S. — strategic autonomy. The question of strategic autonomy returned to the centre of debate in India when great power competition heated up on a global scale, particularly after the February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The concept of strategic autonomy has been the cornerstone of India's non-alignment, argues Swapna Kona Nayudu in her bookThe Nehru Years: An International History of Indian Non-Alignment. 'Non-alignment was a political vision built through historical consciousness,' she writes, adding that it 'predated and outlived the Cold War'. Influenced by Gandhi, Tagore Much has already been written about the Nehru years and non-alignment. What sets Nayudu's book apart, however, is its rich archival depth and also the theoretical foundation she lays for non-alignment as a foreign policy doctrine. She presents it as 'a radical political vision' rooted in both Tagore's idea of the international (an interconnected world with soft borders) and Gandhi's critique of imperialism. Both Tagore and Gandhi problematised the idea of the state, saying it's prone to imperialism and violence. Nehru, a staunch anti-imperialist, sought to salvage the state, liberated from the clutches of Empire, as a political actor capable of exerting 'moral force' and acting as a non-aligned mediator in the international space, upholding the values of interconnectedness rather than compartmentalisation. Drawing on Gandhi's moral engagement and Tagore's cosmopolitanism, Nehru crafted a foreign policy framework that kept India away from the bipolar power structures of the Cold War. Nayudu's analysis is not just confined to theory. She examines four major crises of the Nehru years—the Korean war (1950-53), the Suez crisis (1956), the Soviet intervention in Hungary (1956) and the Congo crisis (1960-64). Nehru, who described the 1953 Korean armistice agreement as 'an outbreak of peace', worked with the U.S., China and the Soviet Union to contain the conflict. India opposed the UN forces led by the U.S. crossing the 38th parallel (into the North) and consistently pressed for a ceasefire through the UN. When Britain and France joined Israel's attack on Egypt during the Suez Crisis, Nehru was 'shocked and aggravated' by what he called the 'dastardly action', writes Nayudu. He described the attack as 'a reversal of history'. Throughout the crisis, India, once again through the UN, tried to mediate between the warring parties. No condemnatory language If India strongly denounced the Anglo-French attack on Egypt, its response to the Soviet intervention in Hungary the same year was rather muted. India abstained from the UN resolutions condemning Soviet actions. It opposed the Soviet intervention in principle but stopped short of calling for Soviet withdrawal from Eastern Europe. This position drew sharp criticism with many arguing it violated Nehru's own non-aligned principles. India resisted calls to condemn the Soviet intervention as for both Nehru and his chief diplomat V.K. Krishna Menon, the stand against condemnation was a calculated diplomatic tactic. As they saw it, 'condemnation closed the door on negotiations, and that once that door was shut there would be no room for political action left, thus causing a highly securitised situation,' writes Nayudu. This Nehruvian line continues to echo in India's foreign policy corridors. Whether it is America's invasion of Iraq, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Israel's atrocities against the Palestinians or the Israel-Iran conflict, India is wary of not using outright condemnatory language. The contradictions in India's policy during the Hungarian crisis also highlight the agility of non-alignment, which could adapt to India's strategic compulsions (the partnership with the Soviet Union was beginning to take shape) without abandoning its core tenets (no endorsement of war). In the case of the Congo crisis, India emerged as a significant contributor to UN peacekeeping, evolving from unarmed to armed interventions. 'Whether it was the Empire and the colonies, or the two blocs of the Cold War, Nehru's idea of India's role in international politics was to mediate between conflicting positions by belonging to neither. In Nehru's image of the Indian future, India would recover its identity not by subscribing to exclusivist ideas of race, region or religion, but by integrating into the international as a sovereign state,' writes Nayudu. The significance of non-alignment, in Menon's words, was not to have India established as a major power 'but an important quantity in world affairs'. Many IR scholars continue to portray Nehru as an idealist with thinly veiled liberalism who ran into the ineluctability of realism. These contradictions, they argue, blinded Nehru from understanding India's immediate foreign policy challenges in its periphery. The Nehru years had its ups and downs. But for a Prime Minister of a newly decolonised state in a bipolar world, the challenge was 'to reconcile the question of achieving a just society by just means on the national front with the twin objective of advancing India's position in the international setting.' Nayudu situates non-alignment in a broad historical continuum, liberating it from cliched critiques of absolute realism. Despite the challenges, India emerged as 'a quantity' in world affairs post-Independence, and the quest to safeguard its strategic autonomy continues to reverberate in its foreign policy.

Assam's special arms licence scheme: A strategic fusion of law, identity & security
Assam's special arms licence scheme: A strategic fusion of law, identity & security

Time of India

timean hour ago

  • Time of India

Assam's special arms licence scheme: A strategic fusion of law, identity & security

Guwahati: Assam's special arms licence scheme for indigenous residents is not a new law, but a targeted administrative restructuring of the existing licensing process under the Indian Arms Act, 1959 and Arms Rules, 2016. The scheme restricted to indigenous and Indian citizens residing in "vulnerable and remote" areas, especially where demographic shifts have reduced them to minorities, blends law and governance, making it one of the most politically nuanced uses of the Arms Act in recent memory. Crucially, the scheme is set to benefit populations who feel marginalised or at risk due to recent moves on illegal infiltration and land rights — core themes that have animated much of Assam's contemporary politics. Unlike the national policy, which is threat-based or profession-based, Assam's scheme is demography-driven. Assam has explicitly linked the scheme to concerns over "demographic invasion", where original inhabitants are being outnumbered or displaced. CM Himanta Biswa Sarma's scheme does not alter the legal foundation of arms licencing in India. Instead, it reinterprets and repurposes Form III of the national arms license policy to address regional vulnerabilities and identity politics. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like American Investor Warren Buffett Recommends: 5 Books For Turning Your Life Around Blinkist: Warren Buffett's Reading List Undo By anchoring the scheme in existing law, but tailoring its execution to indigenous anxieties, Sarma has created a politically potent tool that blends security policy with cultural preservation. The national policy is accessed through the centralised National Database of Arms Licenses-Arms License Issuance System (NDAL-ALIS) portal with uniform procedures, the Assam scheme through Sewa Setu portal is tailored for indigenous applicants, with simplified access and district-level verification. The use of the Sewa Setu portal, district-level scrutiny, and inclusion of intelligence verification marks a significant operational shift from the standard NDAL process. It reflects a state-specific customisation of a central framework. Assam, a state long marked by its ethnic diversity and complex demographic history, faces a pronounced demographic transformation. According to the 2011 Census, Muslims constitute 34% of the state's population, with approximately 31% classified as migrants and only 3% being indigenous Assamese Muslims. Sarma has repeatedly warned of the demographic "invasion", highlighting that native Assamese and Hindus are at risk of becoming a minority within the next decade if current trends continue. Districts such as Dhubri, Morigaon, Barpeta, Nagaon, and South Salmara-Mankachar have experienced marked changes, with indigenous communities increasingly feeling insecure and reduced to minorities in their ancestral lands. The arms licence initiative also appears as a part of a broader BJP playbook — combining targeted welfare, muscular nationalism, and appeals to local identity. The scheme taps directly into the insecurities of indigenous populations, legitimising the demand for self-defence as a political right, while projecting the govt as a defender of "native" interests. Politically, the move plays well among Assam's rural frontier populations — the sites of real and perceived contestation over land, identity, and citizenship. Strategically, it reinforces the message that the BJP, under Sarma's leadership, stands as a bulwark against demographic dilution, illegal immigration, and insecurity. Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Happy Independence Day wishes , messages , and quotes !

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store