Senior BNP leader says elections should be held in December 2025, and not April next year
Dhaka, June 7 (UNI) Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) General Secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam, reiterating his party's stance on the national polls, said that elections should be held in December 2025, and the proposed April 2026 date is not viable for holding polls.
Citing adverse weather, Ramadan, and public examinations as his reasons, the BNP leader said: "The time (April) is not the right time for elections in Bangladesh. There is a risk of extreme heat, storms, and rain. Ramadan… and public examinations will also be taking place. It seems that not much thought has been given to this timeframe."
Chief Advisor Mohammed Yunus had announced April 2026 as the date for holding the national polls, which the party described as a "disappointing" decision, The Daily Star reported.
The party claimed that the 84-year-old CA's decision was aimed at "appeasing a select group of political parties", alluding to the hardline Islamic fundamentalist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, and the National Citizen Party, who said that no polls can be held until "justice" is not delivered to the "martyrs" of the July Uprising.
"BNP has been demanding elections by December, which reflected the peoples' expectations. We believe elections can be held in December, and that would be the most suitable time for the nation," he added.
Upon the announcement by CA Yunus, the BNP Standing Committee noted that he did not provide any clear justification as to why holding the election by December would not be feasible, and instead touched upon topics like construction of ports and foreign policy issues – subjects that did not fall under an interim government's ambit.
"The BNP has repeatedly said that it wants elections as soon as possible. We had hoped that Dr Muhammad Yunus would announce the election date by December. But undoubtedly, not only the BNP, but the entire nation has been disappointed by the announcement of elections in April," he told reporters.
UNI ANV RN
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
19 minutes ago
- Time of India
Who's afraid of Mysore Pak? The bitter taste of India's language wars
Languages can either foster peace and understanding or serve as tools for conflict and division. In India, they are increasingly being weaponised. For instance, amid tensions with Pakistan, some shopkeepers in Jaipur renamed sweets like Mysore Pak and Moti Pak to Mysore Shree and Moti Shree, erroneously assuming the word 'pak' (meaning 'sacred' in Persian) to be of foreign origin. Ironically, in the case of these sweets, 'pak' is rooted in the Sanskrit term 'pakva' (meaning 'cooked'), with cognates in several Indian languages, including Kannada. On the other end of the country, Hyderabad's Karachi Bakery faced vandalism for using the name of a Pakistani city, despite being founded by a Sindhi Hindu refugee who migrated from Karachi in 1947. Such acts of linguistic intolerance are not isolated but part of a larger pattern where language is being used to fuel differences. Kamal Haasan's remark that Kannada is born out of Tamil sparked a row Words of Arabic origin, such as jihad (spiritual struggle), halala (permissible), talaq (divorce), sharia (Islamic law), and hijab (veil), have been used by political groups to marginalise and discriminate against communities. Conversely, innocuous Sanskrit-derived terms like bhakta (devotee), gobar (cow dung), gaumutra (cow urine), and mandir (temple) are stigmatised by opposing groups to demean and trivialise cultural practices and identities. Jai Shree Ram (Victory to Lord Rama) and Allahu Akbar (God is Great), once expressions of devotion, have been twisted into polarizing war cries. Forget humans, even AI chatbots like X's Grok have been manipulated to abuse and dehumanize people, communities and organisations using the 'unhinged mode' feature. More worrying than the language conflicts on social media is what is playing out on the streets. Skirmishes have been reported in several cities with migrant workers becoming soft targets for these 'language vigilantes'. In a nation where languages are deeply intertwined with cultural identity and pride, these conflicts over language use, words and signage strike at the heart of personal and communal belonging. But why is India's linguistic diversity — it has over 424 distinct languages — under strain? Among the reasons are the continued distrust of multilingualism by central and state govts, inconsistent implementation of the three-language policy, and the push for a 'one-country, one-language' ideology based on a European model of a nation state. Moreover, state govts are implicitly supporting this ideology of linguistic homogenization. A 2024 Kerala govt order mandated exclusive use of Malayalam in public advertisements and notices, prohibiting multilingual signs. Govts in UP, MP, Uttarakhand, and Rajasthan have been actively replacing names of villages and cities perceived as Islamic with those reflecting Hindu heritage. In MP, for instance, Mohammadpur Machanai village was changed to Mohanpur, and Hajipur was renamed Hirapur. Critics argue that such renaming erases centuries of coexistence and shared history, while proponents claim it restores a pre-colonial identity. So widespread is linguistic prejudice in India that regional variations of a widely spoken language like Hindi are stigmatised. Hindi speakers from eastern states like Bihar and Jharkhand often face mockery for their distinct accents, word choices, and oral expressions. Their mother tongues, such as Bhojpuri, Magahi, and Angika, are labeled as crude or vulgar. By linking the perceived vulgarity of Bhojpuri films and songs to the language itself, the entire Bhojpuri-speaking community is viewed through a prejudiced lens. Similarly, though Telangana Telugu and coastal Telugu share a common script and a unified cultural history, Telangana Telugu has been treated historically as inferior. In films, Telangana Telugu speakers were frequently portrayed as comical or foolish. These linguistic, cultural, and social differences contributed to the 2014 separation of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. In fact, there is a competitive race among linguistic groups to claim the antiquity of their languages. A recent flashpoint was actor Kamal Haasan's remark that Kannada was born out of Tamil which sparked a sharp backlash. The Indian govt's 'classical' tag for certain 'dominant languages' — the 2024-25 list included Sanskrit, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, Odia, Marathi, Pali, Prakrit, Assamese, and Bengali — has also become a coveted badge of prestige. These languages already receive significant budgetary support from both Union and state govts. Such official labels often end up intensifying conflicts and further marginalising resource-scarce minority languages like Tulu, Bhili, Gondi, Santali, Dogri, Angami, Lotha, Mizo, Garo, Khasi, Badaga, Irula etc. Far from being a unifying force, languages have become tools of polarisation in electoral politics. If India is to uphold its democratic ideals, the embrace of multilingualism must be more than symbolic. It must be actively nurtured, through policy, education, and public discourse. Languages are not just a medium of communication; they are the essence of identity, culture, and coexistence. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Hindustan Times
3 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Trump travel ban shows ‘deep hostility' towards Iranians, Muslims, says Iran
Iran on Saturday lambasted US President Donald Trump's travel ban on countries, including Iran, and said that it showed "deep hostility" towards Iranians and Muslims. Iran's foreign ministry posted a statement on X quoting a senior official and said, "The decision to ban the entry of Iranian nationals - merely due to their religion and nationality - not only indicates the deep hostility of American decision-makers towards the Iranian people and Muslims but also violates... international law." Separately, Iran on Saturday slammed the new sanctions imposed by the United States targeting over 30 individuals and entities that Washington said are part of a "shadow banking" network linked to Tehran. It said that the network has laundered billions of dollars through the global financial system. "The new U.S. sanctions ..., are illegal and violate international law, and are further evidence of the deep and continuing hostility of the U.S. ruling regime towards the Iranian people," foreign ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei said in a statement, Reuters reported. Earlier on Wednesday, Trump issued a full-entry travel ban on nationals from 12 countries, including Afghanistan, Burma (Myanmar), Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. Meanwhile, partial restrictions will also be enforced on Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan, and Venezuela, limiting immigrant and non-immigrant visas due to high overstay rates or insufficient collaboration between law enforcement. The travel ban was justified by the White House, which cited Taliban control in Afghanistan, Iran and Cuba's state-sponsored terrorism, and Haiti's influx of illegal migrants during the Biden regime. Additionally, countries like Chad (49.54% B1/B2 visa overstay rate) and Eritrea (55.43% F/M/J overstay rate) were flagged for disregarding US immigration laws. 'We will restore the travel ban, some people call it the Trump travel ban, and keep the radical Islamic terrorists out of our country that was upheld by the Supreme Court," Trump had said. The travel ban was also upheld by the Supreme Court which ruled that 'it is squarely within the scope of Presidential authority' and noted that it is 'expressly premised on legitimate purposes'.
Time of India
3 hours ago
- Time of India
Kashmir 1989–90: Veterans call for reckoning over state failures & forgotten exodus
1 2 With Pic Times News Network Chandigarh: The Kashmir insurgency of 1989–90 remains one of the most turbulent and tragic episodes in India's contemporary history. It was not merely the rise of an armed rebellion—it signified a complete breakdown of state authority, intelligence apparatus, and moral leadership. These views were expressed on Saturday at a literary event held at the Chandigarh Press Club, where key voices from the military and strategic community came together to reflect on these defining events and the enduring lessons they offer. General V P Malik (retd), former Chief of the Army Staff, questioned the deeper systemic failures that led to the Valley's implosion. "Why did the law and order and security situation in Jammu and Kashmir collapse so completely in 1990?" he asked. "How did the culture of Kashmiriyat—rooted in peaceful coexistence—get overtaken by militant Islamist ideology?" Gen. Malik emphasized the need to study the past to safeguard the future, noting that the Kashmir crisis carries significant lessons for today's policymakers. Former army chief also spoke about deep necked corruption in the Jammu and Kashmir administration/government at that time. Col Daljeet Singh Cheema, author and motivational speaker, traced the insurgency to Pakistan's long-standing refusal to accept the terms of Partition. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Memperdagangkan CFD Emas dengan salah satu spread terendah? IC Markets Mendaftar Undo He argued that after suffering a decisive defeat in the 1971 war, Pakistan shifted its strategy, adopting General Zia-ul-Haq's doctrine of "Bleed India with a thousand cuts"—a strategy that fuels insurgency through proxy warfare and religious radicalization. "An Islamic state that believes it can rely solely on Allah and its Army, and sees its faith as superior, will not change its policy easily," Col. Cheema warned. The event marked the formal launch of a book on Kashmir Insurgency authored by Colonel Yoginder Kandhari (retd). Drawing from firsthand experiences, RTI disclosures, and interviews with key stakeholders, Kandhari's work offers a hard-hitting account of how institutional silence, media inaction, and policy paralysis contributed to one of modern India's most successful campaigns of ethnic cleansing—the exodus of the Kashmiri Pandit community. Col Charan Jeev Singh (retd) further highlighted the administrative collapse and the conspicuous absence of timely state response. Veterans, including Col Jagdeep Singh (retd), also shared personal insights, emotional and strategic costs of those years.
