
Letters: If we want to limit words in te reo Māori, what about words in English?
Sue Leman, Mt Albert.
The children can cope
It is astonishing to note so much alarm over the inclusion of Māori words in the reading programme for 5-year-olds. Surely teachers and children can both cope with the inclusion of vocabulary that many learners would already be familiar with.
Songs in Māori, counting and skipping rhymes are known and often sung in kindergarten and pre-school situations. Most young children entering school would happily cope with 'pukeko' or 'pipi' as part of daily life and vocabulary. Growing up in New Zealand, they are also used to Aotearoa as the name of our motu.
We have a hybrid language already; it's not easy or desirable to separate English and Māori usage.
As a writer for Red Rocket Books, used as supplementary readers in junior classes, I am delighted to find some of my early titles being produced in Māori. Why would we want to backtrack on the language progress that has already been made? Would the education authorities please reconsider this restrictive attitude towards early school learning?
Diana Burslem, Epsom.
Blood-and-guts debate
Gerry Brownlee has done it again! Add this latest fiasco in the debating chamber to his long list of 'Gerry Brownlee Gaffes' - and yes, there is a page with a list of at least 10 major gaffes on it.
Brownlee defended his actions by saying Chlöe Swarbrick's words were directed personally at other coalition MPs. Oh no! That being the case then, why was Labour's Kieran McNulty not sent from the House in July last year when he said, 'They are spineless and gutless because they have given in to the whims of their coalition partners just to get into power', when referring to National. He went on to say, 'Utterly spineless and gutless.'
There are many other examples of references to spines and guts being used, even by Sir John Key, which Brownlee enthusiastically applauded at the time.
If anyone should be asked to apologise for their hasty actions, it's Brownlee. But I'm guessing he will be too gutless, or should that be spineless?
Steve Jardine, Glendowie.
Add to that list . . .
Chlöe Swarbrick, the co-leader of the Green Party, was asked to leave the House yesterday for the second time after calling MPs spineless, or questioning whether enough of them had spines, and refusing to apologise.
I support the cause Chlöe was espousing, in its essence, and also her right to make that comment in the House without being asked to leave.
However, I wonder if she will now add to her list of spineless MPs two former Prime Ministers, (Jacinda Ardern and Chris Hipkins) and two former ministers (Grant Robertson and Ayesha Verrall), who have all chosen not to appear in public hearings for the Covid Royal Commission of Inquiry, despite being asked to do so, as announced on Wednesday.
Claire Chambers, Parnell.
In support of Peters' approach
It would seem that Hamas has now come out and thanked all of those nations that, in recent weeks, called for the recognition of a Palestinian state.
Hamas claims that this was its ultimate aim and that it is grateful for the international support. That would underscore why Chlöe Swarbrick's call for support from 'six of 68 government MPs with a spine' was, in fact, way off course, and that Winston Peters' more cautious approach makes total sense.
John Pendreigh, Westmere.
Good on Chlöe!
What Chlöe Swarbrick said in the House, and to reporters afterwards, was right on the money, and she should not have been told to withdraw her statement and apologise. Good on her for not doing so.
Glenn Forsyth, Taupō.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Scoop
10 hours ago
- Scoop
Supreme Court gives green light to riverbeds' inclusion in Māori customary marine title orders
The Supreme Court has found riverbeds can be included in Māori customary marine title orders, if other legal tests are met. That comes from the second part of the Court's judgement on claims to customary rights in the harbours, river mouths, beaches and seascape of the eastern Bay of Plenty. The first judgement released in December 2024 addressed the meaning of section 58 of the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Act 2011 (MACA), which sets out the test Māori groups must meet to have their customary rights recognised. It also overturned a previous Court of Appeal decision in 2023 which made it easier to gain customary title. This second judgement resolves the remaining seven issues on the seven separate appeals which were heard together. All this as the government forges ahead with plans to amend the law in question over fears that the 2023 Court of Appeal decision could have made it significantly easier for Māori iwi, hapū and whānau to have their customary rights over parts of the coastline recognised. Navigable rivers In this case one of the orders for customary title included the confluence of the Waiōweka and Ōtara rivers near Opōtiki. "Navigable river" in this case means a river of sufficient width and depth (whether at all times so or not) to be used for the purpose of navigation by boats, barges, punts, or rafts. The court accepted that the relevant portion of the rivers in question is navigable. The definition of "marine and coastal area" in MACA includes the beds of rivers that are part of the coastal marine area as that term is defined in the Resource Management Act 1991. The Attorney-General submitted that previous Acts of Parliament were intended to "vest the full beneficial ownership - akin to freehold title - in navigable riverbeds in the Crown." The court found that previous Acts were not sufficiently clear to extinguish customary rights or title to the beds of navigable rivers. The court concluded that "the beds of navigable rivers form part of the common marine and coastal area as defined in MACA, and recognition orders may extend to them". The court found the impact of these findings on the CMT claims in the Eastern Bay of Plenty, particularly in relation to the confluence of the Waiōweka and Ōtara rivers, can be dealt with by the High Court. Timeline October 2023, just days after the 2023 General Election, a Court of Appeal decision made granting customary marine title easier In November 2023, the coalition agreement between National and NZ First includes a commitment to overturn the Court of Appeal decision September 2024, the Waitangi Tribunal recommends the Crown halt its efforts to amend the Takutai Moana Act That same month the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) (Customary Marine Title) Amendment Bill is introduced to Parliament December 2024, the first Supreme Court judgement overturns the Court of Appeal decision. The government hits pause on the amendment bill August 2025, the government presses ahead with the law change.


NZ Herald
11 hours ago
- NZ Herald
Cabinet minister Goldsmith involved in Seymour's UN letter controversy
On July 1, two days before the letter went to the UN, one of Seymour's advisers sent a draft to Goldsmith's office. 'Attached is the Minister for Regulation's proposed response... He mentioned that we had agreed to run it past your minister before we sent it off,' the email read. Act leader David Seymour sent a blunt letter to the UN after consulting Paul Goldsmith. Photo / Mark Mitchell 'It is a little more direct than what MFAT [Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade] might draft. Please let me know if your minister is happy.' Goldsmith's office responded the next day, asking for a phone call. By the morning of July 3, Seymour's adviser emailed him: 'Goldie is happy for us to send it. He is going to send his own mild MFAT holding letter on behalf of himself and [Māori Development Minister Tama] Potaka.' Seymour replied: 'Okay, great.' His letter was sent to the UN that afternoon. In a statement provided to RNZ on Saturday, Goldsmith said: 'When asked, I did not object to [Seymour] sending the letter, but when commenting on UN matters, it is the Foreign Minister's views that are relevant, not mine.' A spokesperson for Seymour said he had nothing further to add. Emails between Seymour's staff in June canvassed the options for responding to the UN and noted MFAT's preferred approach was a joint reply from 'relevant ministers' Seymour, Goldsmith and Potaka, in line with previous UN communications in 2024. Instead, Peters ultimately issued a Government-wide letter on August 11, striking a softer tone and expressing regret for the 'breakdown in protocol'. The UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Albert K. Barume, had raised concerns on June 12 about Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill, suggesting it failed to recognise Māori traditions or uphold Treaty principles. Seymour's reply branded the critique 'presumptive, condescending and wholly misplaced' and 'an affront to New Zealand's sovereignty'. After news of Seymour's letter broke in July, Luxon told media he agreed with its content but Seymour was wrong to have sent it: 'I expect Winston Peters to be the person that engages with the UN'. – RNZ


Otago Daily Times
11 hours ago
- Otago Daily Times
Another Cabinet minister caught up in UN letter saga
By Craig McCulloch of RNZ Another Cabinet minister has been caught up in the United Nations letter-writing imbroglio, with new documents showing David Seymour first ran his response past Paul Goldsmith before he sent it. Seymour, writing as Regulations Minister, fired off a blunt reply to the UN in July that prompted public rebukes from both Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Foreign Minister Winston Peters for bypassing proper processes. Seymour refused to concede any mistake but agreed to formally withdraw his letter so Peters could issue one on behalf of the full government. New correspondence, released to RNZ under the Official Information Act, reveals Goldsmith, the Treaty Negotiations Minister, had been looped in early on and appeared comfortable with Seymour's approach. On 1 July, two days before the letter went to the UN, one of Seymour's advisors sent a draft to Goldsmith's office. "Attached is the Minister for Regulation's proposed response... He mentioned that we had agreed to run it past your Minister before we sent it off," the email read. "It is a little more direct than what MFAT might draft. Please let me know if your Minister is happy." Goldsmith's office responded the next day, asking for a phone call. By the morning of 3 July, Seymour's advisor emailed him: "Goldie is happy for us to send it. He is going to send his own mild MFAT holding letter on behalf of himself and [Māori Development Minister Tama] Potaka." Seymour replied: "Ok, great." His letter was sent to the UN that afternoon. In a statement provided to RNZ on Saturday, Goldsmith said: "When asked, I did not object to [Seymour] sending the letter, but when commenting on UN matters, it is the Foreign Minister's views that are relevant, not mine." A spokesperson for Seymour said he had nothing further to add. Earlier correspondence in late June showed Goldsmith's office drafted an initial "holding response" to the UN but requested it be sent with Seymour's letterhead as "the senior Minister for this response". Emails between Seymour's staff also canvassed the options for responding to the UN. It noted MFAT's preferred approach would be a joint reply from "relevant Ministers" Seymour, Goldsmith and Potaka, in line with previous UN communications in 2024. Instead, Peters ultimately issued a government-wide letter on 11 August, striking a softer tone and expressing regret for the "breakdown in protocol". The UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Albert K Barume, had raised concerns on 12 June about Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill, suggesting it failed to recognise Māori traditions or uphold Treaty principles. Seymour's reply branded the critique "presumptive, condescending and wholly misplaced" and "an affront to New Zealand's sovereignty". After news of Seymour's letter broke in July, Luxon told media he agreed with its content but Seymour was wrong to have sent it: "I expect Winston Peters to be the person that engages with the UN."