
Local school funding shouldn't have to pass Washington's political tests
The federal role in education has historically been limited to targeted support, particularly for disadvantaged students, students with disabilities, English learners, and teacher development.
Various federal programs exist to provide additional capacity to schools that need it most. These aren't mechanisms of control, but levers of support. Yet, recent actions by the current administration have exposed something far more troubling than the myth of federal dominance: the increasing politicization of even the federal government's limited role in education.
On July 1, roughly $6.8 billion in K-12 funds — primarily Title II-A (professional development), Title III (English-language learner programs) and Title IV (student support and enrichment services) — were frozen.
The administration's stated reason for the freeze? A review to determine whether any of the funds had previously supported what they called radical ' left-wing ' or woke agendas.
In other words, essential programs that provide professional learning for teachers, academic support for English learners and enrichment opportunities for students were halted — not because of financial mismanagement or program failure, but because of ideological suspicion.
The funds were only partially released weeks later, and then ultimately restored after a public backlash. But this set a dangerous precedent that federal education funds can be weaponized to enforce political litmus tests.
On the one hand, critics argue the federal government has too much influence in schools and should pull back. On the other, those same critics used the limited leverage it does have — namely funding — as a partisan cudgel. The message isn't really about local control. It's about controlling the narrative.
The fear isn't just that support will be withdrawn, but that programs serving vulnerable students and supporting educators will become unstable and unreliable, depending on who is in power and what political winds are blowing.
For some districts — especially in rural or under-resourced areas — federal funding for professional development is the only consistent stream of support for teacher training and leadership development. Without those dollars, districts cancel training sessions, delay school improvement initiatives and scale back on instructional coaching.
These investments, drawn from the small share of federal funding schools receive, don't promote partisanship, they promote professional excellence.
Similarly, funds for multilingual learners, academic enrichment and mental health services are vital to student success. Freezing these programs over political talking points doesn't protect students, it harms them. The outcome isn't ideological clarity, it's teacher and school administrator burnout, stalled progress and disrupted learning.
The myth of overwhelming federal control obscures the real issue: a lack of stable, coordinated and protected systems to support the people doing the hard work of educating children.
Instead of building resilience and coherence into our educational infrastructure, we're increasingly allowing national support to be swayed by partisan distrust.
What makes this moment especially unsettling is that the recent freeze on federal funds wasn't a failure of law, it was a breach of trust. No one ever expected that professional development for teachers and school leaders, expanded mental health supports, or academic assistance for English learners would become the target of ideological review.
That's not because rules prevented it, but because, historically, leaders of both parties understood that some areas of education should remain above the political fray.
The contradiction is especially stark when those calling to eliminate the Department of Education in the name of 'local control' are the same ones now using federal dollars as political weapons.
We need stronger protections against political interference in educational support. That could include bipartisan guardrails requiring congressional notification or bipartisan sign-off before any mid-year freeze of formula or entitlement programs, as well as state-level contingency funds to maintain continuity during funding disruptions.
Program audits should be led by professional educators, not political appointees, and spending reviews should focus on purpose and outcomes, not ideology.
In my work with school districts across the country, I've seen firsthand how fragile these systems are, and how powerful they can be when funded and prioritized. If we truly want schools to succeed, we must treat educator support — and equitable, adequate funding of education — as a shared national investment, not a partisan battleground.
States already control most aspects of education. Federal involvement has always been limited and mostly financial, making up only a small percentage of total school funding — but that small share has become essential for many districts to survive.
What's missing is the will to consistently and equitably invest in the people who make schools work.
Rather than railing against a phantom threat of federal overreach, the conversation should shift to what really matters: ensuring stable, equitable and consistent investment in public education, free from ideological interference. It's not about who controls education. It's about who's actually supporting it.
Chad McLeod is the founder of Sociis Education, an organization that partners with schools and districts to strengthen professional development and leadership capacity for educators.

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Vox
30 minutes ago
- Vox
Trump's immigration raids are now before the Supreme Court
is a senior correspondent at Vox, where he focuses on the Supreme Court, the Constitution, and the decline of liberal democracy in the United States. He received a JD from Duke University and is the author of two books on the Supreme Court. Last month, a federal judge in Los Angeles handed down a temporary order placing some restrictions on the Trump administration's immigration crackdown in that city. The Trump administration now wants the Supreme Court to lift those restrictions. The contested provisions of Judge Maame Ewusi-Mensah Frimpong's order are fairly narrow. They provide that federal law enforcement may not rely 'solely' on four factors when determining to stop or detain someone suspected of being an undocumented immigrant. Under Frimpong's order, the government may not stop or detain someone solely because of 1) their 'apparent race or ethnicity,' 2) the fact that they either speak Spanish or speak English with an accent, 3) their presence at a location such as an agricultural workplace or day laborer pick-up site, or 4) the type of work that they do. SCOTUS, Explained Get the latest developments on the US Supreme Court from senior correspondent Ian Millhiser. Email (required) Sign Up By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply. Frimpong's order prohibits the government from relying exclusively on any one of these factors or on any combination of them, so it could not detain someone solely because they speak Spanish and they are a day laborer, for example. The government may still rely on these four factors to determine whom to stop or detain, however, so long as it has other reasons for targeting a particular individual. Thus, for example, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) could target someone because that person speaks Spanish, and they work as a day laborer, and they were witnessed getting into a truck owned by a company known for hiring undocumented immigrants, because one of the three factors that ICE considered in this hypothetical stop is not on Frimpong's list. That said, at least according to the Cato Institute's David Bier, Frimpong's order has drastically reduced the number of immigration arrests within Los Angeles. The central issue in this case, known as Noem v. Perdomo, is what courts are practically able to do in order to rein in overzealous tactics by law enforcement. Judge Frimpong's order is modest — again, it does not prevent the Trump administration from targeting anyone, just as long as part of the reason why a particular individual is targeted doesn't appear on Frimpong's list of four — but it is also unlikely to survive contact with a Republican Supreme Court that is extraordinarily solicitous toward Donald Trump. Indeed, the Court has long cautioned lower court judges against issuing broad orders imposing across-the-board restrictions on law enforcement. One of the seminal cases that the Trump administration relied upon in its Perdomo brief was handed down in 1983, well before the Court's recent partisan turn. The Republican justices, in other words, likely will not even need to stretch the law very far if they want to rule in Trump's favor in Perdomo. What is ICE up to in Los Angeles? The Perdomo case arises out of multiple immigration raids in Los Angeles, which have often taken place at job sites and other locations where the Trump administration believes that undocumented immigrants are often present. As Frimpong found, 'car wash workers, farm and agricultural workers, street vendors, recycling center workers, tow yard workers, and packing house workers were targeted.' One early operation 'detained multiple day laborers outside of the Westlake Home Depot.' At least some of these operations appear to violate the Constitution. In some instances, law enforcement appears to have targeted people because of their race. Frimpong, for example, pointed to an incident where 'agents approached and prevented a nonwhite individual from walking away but not those who appeared to be Caucasians.' A Latino car wash worker targeted by one of the raids testified that the federal agents who arrested him ignored two of his light-skinned coworkers, one of whom is Russian and another who is Persian. In other cases, federal agents appear to have targeted individuals despite having no reasonable grounds to believe they are undocumented. Plaintiff Jason Brian Gavidia, for example, is an American who was born in Los Angeles. According to an appeals court that upheld nearly all of Frimpong's order, agents 'forcefully pushed [Gavidia] up against the metal gated fence, put [his] hands behind [his] back, and twisted [his] arm' after he was unable to identify which hospital he was born in. The agents eventually released Gavidia after he produced a Real ID card, a document that is only issued to people who are legally present in the United States, but they took his ID. It is quite difficult to obtain a federal injunction against law enforcement officials It is likely, in other words, that at least some of the people targeted by these Los Angeles raids could individually challenge their arrests or detention in court. But the ability to bring such individual challenges often isn't worth very much. For starters, the Republican justices' decisions in Hernández v. Mesa (2020) and Egbert v. Boule (2022) likely make it impossible to collect money damages from an ICE agent who violates your constitutional rights. In Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents (1971), the Supreme Court held that federal law enforcement officers who violate someone's constitutional rights may be personally liable for that violation. But Hernández and Egbert read that decision so narrowly that such suits rarely, if ever, move forward. So, even if someone like Gavidia brings a successful lawsuit, he probably wouldn't win anything more than the right to get his ID back. Someone who is unlawfully detained could potentially obtain a court order demanding their release. But many people targeted by law enforcement lack access to legal counsel or cannot afford to hire a lawyer even if they can find one who will take their case. While indigent criminal defendants have a right to a government-paid lawyer, defendants in immigration proceedings typically do not. And even when immigration defendants do prevail, an occasional court decision declaring some long-past arrest illegal is unlikely to deter future illegal arrests. Yet, the Supreme Court has long discouraged federal judges from issuing injunctions that forbid law enforcement from acting illegally in the future. The key case is City of Los Angeles v. Lyons (1983), which held that Adolph Lyons, a man who was allegedly choked out by police officers without provocation, could not obtain a court order forbidding LA's police from using such chokeholds in the future. 'Past exposure to illegal conduct,' Justice Byron White wrote for the Court in Lyons, does not permit someone to seek an injunction. Rather, 'Lyons' standing to seek the injunction requested depended on whether he was likely to suffer future injury from the use of the chokeholds by police officers.' Indeed, White's decision placed nearly impossible barriers before most plaintiffs seeking court orders requiring police to modify their behavior. To obtain such an injunction, White wrote, Lyons 'would have had not only to allege that he would have another encounter with the police, but also to make the incredible assertion either (1) that all police officers in Los Angeles always choke any citizen with whom they happen to have an encounter, whether for the purpose of arrest, issuing a citation, or for questioning, or (2) that the City ordered or authorized police officers to act in such manner.' At least some of the plaintiffs in Perdomo present an unusually strong case that they are likely to be caught up in an immigration raid again in the future. According to the appeals court which heard this case, 'at least one individual with lawful status was stopped twice by roving patrols in just 10 days.' So a court could quite reasonably conclude that this individual is 'likely to suffer' the 'future injury' that Lyons demands. But Lyons also places such a high bar in front of plaintiffs seeking an injunction against law enforcement that it would not be difficult for the Republican justices to write an opinion relying on Lyons to toss out Judge Frimpong's order, assuming that they even bother to explain their decision in the first place — something that the Court's Republican majority often refuses to do. In addition to arguing that Lyons requires the Supreme Court to block Frimpong's decision, Trump's lawyers also point to the Court's recent decision in Trump v. CASA (2025), which held that federal courts typically should not issue injunctions that extend beyond the individual parties to a lawsuit. So, even if the one plaintiff who was stopped twice may obtain an injunction, that court order might have to be so narrow that it protects him and him alone against future illegal stops. Trump's CASA argument is hardly airtight. Though CASA did hold that broad injunctions are generally discouraged, it did permit them when necessary to give a victorious plaintiff 'complete relief.' Frimpong argued that a broad injunction is warranted in Perdomo, because law enforcement officers cannot reasonably be expected to know which suspects are protected by a court order. 'It would be a fantasy to expect that law enforcement could and would inquire whether a given individual was among the [plaintiffs] before proceeding with a seizure,' she wrote. The only way to stop ICE from targeting the Perdomo plaintiffs is to issue a court order that protects everyone in Los Angeles. Will that argument persuade a majority of the justices? The honest answer is, 'Who knows?' CASA is a brand new decision, handed down less than two months ago, and the Court has yet to apply its new rule to the facts of any specific case — including the CASA case itself. And the fact remains that it is exceedingly difficult to obtain any injunction against law enforcement, much less the broadly applicable one handed down by Judge Frimpong. The Supreme Court has generally preferred for judges to adjudicate alleged legal violations by law enforcement one at a time, rather than issuing wholesale injunctions halting an illegal practice — even though individual decisions often do little to stop these practices. At least some parts of Frimpong's order are probably overly broad In fairness, there are some good reasons to prefer individual lawsuits over wholesale court orders. Fourth Amendment search and seizure cases typically turn on the very specific facts of a particular case. Police might reasonably suspect, for example, that a person spotted with a large wad of cash in a neighborhood where illegal drugs are often sold is engaged in illegal activity. By contrast, police may not have reasonable grounds to suspect a similar person spotted walking near a business where people often make down payments on their new homes. As a general rule, the Fourth Amendment permits police to briefly stop and search someone if they reasonably suspect that person is engaged in illegal activity — or, in an immigration case, of being illegally present in the United States. To be sure, there are some things that law enforcement may almost never consider when determining whether to stop a particular individual. In Kansas v. Glover (2020), for example, the Court said that police may not target someone based on 'nothing more than a demographic profile' or stop and question someone about their immigration status because of their 'Mexican ancestry.' Frimpong's conclusion that ICE may not target someone solely because of their 'apparent race or ethnicity' is consistent with Glover. But Frimpong's conclusion that law enforcement may never reasonably suspect someone of being undocumented solely based on their presence in a particular location is probably a bit of a stretch. As a federal appeals court explained in a 2014 case, day laborer jobs are 'one of the limited options for workers without documents.' These jobs are often grueling, unreliable, and underpaid. They are unattractive to virtually anyone who is authorized to work in the United States and, thus, have less-demanding and better-paying job options available to them. There are at least some cases, in other words, where a law enforcement officer could reasonably suspect someone of being undocumented if they are consistently seen at a location where undocumented workers seek jobs as day laborers — what Frimpong described as a 'day laborer pick up site.' It is difficult to come up with categorical rules governing which factors law enforcement may consider when deciding whom to stop. Even race may be an acceptable factor in very limited circumstances; if multiple witnesses to a robbery tell police that they saw an East Asian man commit the crime, for example, then police could reasonably limit their search to people who appear to be East Asian. This is one reason why cases like Lyons exist: to prevent judges from handing down categorical rules that prevent police from conducting lawful investigations.


San Francisco Chronicle
43 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
UEFA charges Israeli and Polish clubs over political fan banners that raised diplomatic tension
NYON, Switzerland (AP) — UEFA opened a disciplinary case Friday after an Israeli soccer club's fans displayed a banner targeting Poland that was criticized by the Polish president and diplomats from Israel. Fallout from the Maccabi Haifa vs. Rakow Czestochowa game Thursday in UEFA's Conference League adds to current scrutiny around non-sporting issues being aired at international soccer. The slogan 'Murderers since 1939' in English was shown by Maccabi Haifa fans at a qualifying game in UEFA's Conference League against Polish team Rakow. It was quickly condemned by the president of Poland and Israel's embassy in the country. Polish President Karol Nawrocki posted on X the banner was 'scandalous' and an insult to Polish victims of World War Two including three million Jews. Maccabi Haifa and Rakow played the game in neutral Hungary — instead of Israel for security reasons — one week after the first leg in Poland. There, Rakow fans showed a banner in Polish saying Israel was murdering people and the world was silent. UEFA said Friday both clubs have been charged with 'transmitting a message not fit for a sports event' in a case that will be judged by its disciplinary panel. No timetable was given for imposing sanctions which could be fines and closing part of a stadium at a future game. Rakow won 2-0 Thursday and eliminated Maccabi Haifa 2-1 on aggregate score. The Polish government's foreign ministry said Friday it had spoken with Israel's ambassador to the country, Yaakov Finkelstein. 'He expressed his utmost outrage at the scandalous content of a banner displayed by the Israeli fans and thanked for its firm condemnation by the embassy,' the Polish ministry said in a statement. Poland's ambassador in Israel also was set to discuss the incident with Israel's government, the ministry said, adding: 'Polish-Israeli relations must not, and will not, be undermined by extremists.' UEFA does not allow overt political messaging by fans or clubs in stadiums at European competition games it organizes but was itself criticized this week. On Wednesday, UEFA displayed the message 'Stop Killing Children. Stop Killing Civilians' on the field before its showpiece Super Cup game between the Champion League title holder Paris Saint-Germain and Europa League winner Tottenham, played at Udine, Italy. UEFA said it was part of a campaign with its charitable foundation that has projects helping children affected by conflicts also in Afghanistan, Lebanon, Sudan, Syria, Yemen and Ukraine. When the PSG and Tottenham players were presented with their medals, the post-game ceremony involved two Palestinian children who are refugees in Italy from Gaza. ___

an hour ago
Australian and Philippine forces launch largest military exercises near disputed South China Sea
MANILA, Philippines -- Australia on Friday launched its largest military exercises with Philippine forces, involving more than 3,600 military personnel in live-fire drills, battle maneuvers and a beach assault at a Philippine town facing the disputed South China Sea, where the allies have raised alarm over Beijing's assertive actions. The exercises are called Alon, meaning wave in the Philippine language, and will showcase Australia's firepower. The drills will involve a guided-missile navy destroyer, F/A-18 supersonic fighter jets, a C-130 troop and cargo aircraft, Javelin anti-tank weapons and special forces sniper weapons. Military officials said defense forces from the United States, Canada, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand and Indonesia will join as observers. 'This exercise reflects Australia's commitment to working with partners to ensure we maintain a region where state sovereignty is protected, international law is followed and nations can make decisions free from coercion,' Vice Admiral Justin Jones of the Royal Australian Navy said in a statement. The combat exercises are 'an opportunity for us to practice how we collaborate and respond to shared security challenges and project force over great distances in the Indo-Pacific,' Jones said. The exercises will run until Aug. 29. Australia is the second country after the U.S. with a visiting forces agreement with the Philippines, allowing the deployment of large numbers of troops for combat exercises in each other's territory. The Philippines has signed a similar pact with Japan, which will take effect next month. It is in talks with several other Asian and Western countries including France and Canada for similar defense accords. China has deplored multinational war drills and alliances in or near the disputed South China Sea, saying the U.S. and its allies are 'ganging up' against it and militarizing the region. China claims most of the South China Sea, a busy global trade route, where it has had a spike of territorial faceoffs with the Philippines in recent years. Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also lay claims to the resource-rich waters. On Monday, a Chinese navy ship collided with a Chinese coast guard ship while trying to drive away a smaller Philippine coast guard vessel in the Scarborough Shoal in the South China Sea. The Australian Embassy in Manila expressed concern over 'the dangerous and unprofessional conduct of Chinese vessels near Scarborough Shoal involving the Philippine Coast Guard' and said the incident 'highlights the need for de-escalation, restraint and respect for international law.' In response, the U.S. deployed two warships off the Scarborough on Wednesday in what it called a freedom of navigation operation to protest China's expansive claims, restrictions and its demand for entry notifications in the disputed waters. In February, a Chinese J-16 fighter jet released flares that passed within 30 meters (100 feet) of an Australian P-8 Poseidon military surveillance plane in daylight and in international air space, Australian defense officials said at the time.