Contractors might have to stop calling themselves ‘insurance claims specialists' under new proposal
(Photo credit: Wes Muller/Louisiana Illuminator)
Louisiana lawmakers have watered down a proposal that restricts how roofers and contractors can market services that help homeowners with their insurance claims.
House Bill 121, sponsored by Rep. Roy Daryl Adams, D-Jackson, would limit both trades from saying they provide insurance claim services. The legislation also prohibits public adjusters from performing construction work in connection with the claims they handle.
Adams' bill cleared the House in a 96-0 vote Tuesday without debate. His proposal is one of dozens filed, with the backing of insurance companies, that seek to lower homeowner's policy premiums in the state.
The measure, as amended on the House floor, would prohibit residential construction contractors from advertising or soliciting work as 'insurance claims specialists,' a term that sometimes appears in their advertisements.
In an April 23 hearing of the House Committee on Insurance, Adams said he hopes his measure will stop contractors from going door-to-door after storms to talk homeowners into filing insurance claims for roof work.
The original version of the bill would have prohibited roofing contractors from assisting customers with their homeowner insurance claims. It also would have ended the use of contingency contracts, in which roofers agree to perform work only if the homeowner's insurance company approves their claim.
Roofers could be banned from helping customers with insurance claims
However, several roofers who testified against that iteration of the bill raised concerns that it could make it illegal to provide many of their routine services, such as communicating with insurance companies. Some customers want help dealing with their insurance companies and look to contractors to provide second opinions on an insurance company's damage assessments, Josh Lovell with Gator Roofing in Baton Rouge told lawmakers.
Lovell told the committee he would be afraid to even say the word 'insurance' in the presence of a customer if Adams' bill became law.
Some lawmakers have argued the proposal is necessary to prevent contractors from doing the work of public adjusters, who are independent claims assessors policyholders can hire for a fee to represent their interests. They are distinct from adjusters who work on behalf of insurance companies.
After hearing roofers' concerns, Adams amended his bill to remove many of its restrictions and applied the prohibitions specifically to advertising and soliciting. At the same time, the amendment expanded the measure to apply to all residential contractors — not just roofers.
When asked about the proposal Tuesday, Louisiana Home Builders Association lobbyist Michelle Shirley said her organization has taken a neutral position on Adams' bill.
The other goal of the legislation is to prevent conflicts of interest for public adjusters who are also residential contractors. It would prohibit them from doing any kind work related to the insurance claims they handle. In short, they would no longer be able to adjust an insurance claim and then pay themselves to do the repair work for that claim.
Adams' proposal is now pending in the Senate.
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Chicago Tribune
an hour ago
- Chicago Tribune
Michael Madigan, ComEd and corruption: How the investigation into the ex-Illinois Speaker unfolded
A federal jury convicted Michael Madigan on Feb. 12, 2025, of multiple federal charges including bribery conspiracy — but jurors deadlocked on other charges in the wide-ranging indictment, including the marquee racketeering conspiracy count. Madigan was first outed as 'Public Official A' in court records in a deferred prosecution agreement filed in July 2020 where the public utility Commonwealth Edison acknowledged it had showered the speaker with various rewards in exchange for his assistance with its legislative agenda in Springfield. Among the perks were do-nothing jobs for Madigan's top political cronies, college internships for students in his 13th Ward power base, legal business for political allies and the appointment of his choice for the state-regulated utility's board of directors, according to the allegations. The Dishonor Roll: Meet the public officials who helped build Illinois' culture of corruptionHe resigned from the Illinois house and also resigned as chairman of the state Democratic Party in February 2021, after spending 36 years as House speaker and a half-century in the Illinois House. The embattled 79-year-old lawmaker released a lengthy statement on Feb. 18, 2021. Madigan was indicted twice in 2022 on charges tied to the ComEd conspiracy as well as similar allegations involving AT&T. He's also charged with trying to pressure developers in Chinatown to steer business to his private law firm. He pleaded not guilty. What's publicly known about federal efforts related to the now former speaker's political operation stretches back to at least May 2019. Subpoenas or raids have touched lobbyists, legislators, private companies and members of Madigan's political operation. Here's what to know. Born: April 19, 1942, in Chicago Early life: Attended St. Adrian's Elementary School 1960: St. Ignatius College Prep 1964: Notre Dame, B.A., Economics 1967: Loyola University Law School After law school: Held patronage jobs as a hearing officer for the Illinois Commerce Commission and as a public utilities consultant for the city, according to a 1988 Tribune story. 1969: Elected as a delegate to the Illinois constitutional convention. Also elected a Democratic committeeman. 1970: Elected to the Illinois House for his district on the city's Southwest Side. 1977: Entered House Democratic leadership. 1983: Elected speaker of the House, holding the post continuously through January except for two years in the mid-1990s when Republicans gained control of the chamber. He was ousted from the position in January 2021. 1998: Elected chairman of the Illinois Democratic Party. He stepped down in February 2021. Family: Married to Shirley Madigan, has three daughters, one son and four grandchildren. His daughter Lisa Madigan was Illinois attorney general from 2003 to 2019. Work: An attorney, Madigan is a partner at Madigan & Getzendanner, a firm that works in Chicago's lucrative field of commercial property tax appeals. Sources: Illinois General Assembly, Northern Illinois University Libraries, Notre Dame, Loyola University, Chicago Tribune archives The feds raid the Far South Side home of former 13th Ward political operative Kevin Quinn — the brother of Ald. Marty Quinn — who was ousted by Madigan amid a sexual harassment scandal in 2018. Quinn received checks from current and former ComEd lobbyists. The FBI raids the downstate home of Mike McClain, a longtime ComEd lobbyist who is widely known as one of Madigan's closest confidants. The Tribune exclusively reported in November that the FBI had tapped McClain's cellphone. The FBI raids the Southwest Side residence of former Ald. Michael Zalewski, who at the time was working with Madigan to get lobbying work from ComEd. Feds raid the City Club of Chicago offices in the Wrigley building seeking records pertaining to club President Jay Doherty, a longtime ComEd lobbyist. ComEd reveals in a regulatory filing that it was subpoenaed by a federal grand jury investigating the utility's lobbying practices. Records obtained by the Tribune reveal that checks went to Kevin Quinn after he was dismissed from Madigan's political operation in early 2018. Federal agents raid the Springfield and Cicero offices and the Southwest Side home of the longtime Democratic state senator as part of an ongoing criminal investigation. ComEd reveals in another regulatory filing it received a second federal grand jury subpoena related to its lobbying practices, this time specifically requesting any communications with Sandoval and other unnamed individuals and entities. Anne Pramaggiore, CEO of ComEd parent company Exelon Utilities, abruptly steps down after it was revealed the utility's lobbying practices were under criminal investigation. 'I'm not a target of anything,' Madigan tells reporters at the Illinois Capitol. In a statement, he called for a review and strengthening of ethics and lobbying laws. Federal authorities recorded Madigan confidant McClain's phone calls as part of the investigation into ComEd's lobbying practices, sources tell the Chicago Tribune. One of the sources said the recordings were made as a result of an FBI wiretap on McClain's cellphone. Federal authorities have asked questions about Madigan and his political operation as part of an ongoing investigation about connections between Commonwealth Edison lobbyists and Madigan, lobbyists giving contracts to people tied to the speaker, and city, state and suburban government jobs held by his associates, four people who have been interviewed tell the Tribune. A pair of federal grand jury subpoenas seeking records from southwest suburban Merrionette Park and Bridgeview name Madigan, his former chief of staff Timothy Mapes, McClain, Marty Quinn and Kevin Quinn. The documents also called for copies of state and federal tax records related to Raymond Nice, a longtime precinct captain in Madigan's vaunted 13th Ward operation. Madigan's main campaign fund paid nearly $462,000 in legal fees in the first three months of 2020 to a law firm that employs former Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley, campaign finance records show. In the final quarter of 2019, Madigan's campaign fund paid more than $445,000 for legal fees to different firms, which a Madigan spokeswoman at the time said was to cover the cost of a $275,000 settlement with a former campaign worker, as well as ongoing civil cases and routine staff training. ComEd is paying a $200 million criminal fine as part of a federal investigation into a 'yearslong bribery scheme' involving jobs, contracts and payments to Madigan allies, the U.S. attorney's office in Chicago announces. Additionally, prosecutors asked Madigan's office for 'any and all documents and communications' concerning AT&T, including contracts and correspondence related to the hiring of anyone to provide consulting or lobbying services to the public utility, according to a subpoena the Tribune obtained through an open records request. The Tribune reports that AT&T was subpoenaed earlier that year by federal prosecutors in the operation encircling Madigan's political operation. A federal subpoena to Madigan's office shows investigators were interested in a wide range of information, including dealings with Walgreens and Rush University Medical Center, records related to Madigan's political organization and private property tax appeals law firm, as well as former state lawmakers and current or former Chicago aldermen. McClain is charged with bribery conspiracy and bribery in an indictment returned by a federal grand jury. Also charged are former ComEd CEO Pramaggiore; lobbyist and former ComEd executive John Hooker, of Chicago; and Doherty, a consultant and former head of the City Club of Chicago. The embattled Illinois House Speaker releases a statement saying that if anyone at ComEd had tried to bribe him, 'it was never made known to me.' McClain, Pramaggiore, Hooker and Doherty plead not guilty to charges they orchestrated an elaborate bribery scheme with Commonwealth Edison to funnel money and do-nothing jobs to Madigan loyalists in exchange for the speaker's help with state legislation. Emanuel 'Chris' Welch is elected the state's first Black speaker of the House after Democrats reject Madigan's bid to maintain the single-handed power he wielded over the state for nearly four decades. Madigan announces his resignation from the Illinois House after representing a Southwest Side district for a half-century, the majority of that time as the powerful speaker, but remains chairman of the state Democratic Party. Edward Guerra Kodatt, 26, a bilingual outreach and budget assistant in the constituent services office run by Madigan and 13th Ward Ald. Marty Quinn, is installed in the Illinois House seat that was vacated by Madigan. Cook County Clerk Karen Yarbrough, previously party vice chair, takes over on an interim basis. Despite the ill-fated Kodatt pick, Madigan gets another shot at appointing a replacement. The former speaker remains the 13th Ward Democratic committeeman and holds 56% of the weighted vote cast in the 22nd House District. Angelica Guerrero-Cuellar becomes the second replacement in four days for the Illinois House seat formerly held by Madigan. The charges allege Acevedo attempted to evade paying taxes he owed, including by depositing cash payments into his bank account to conceal the source of income. He was also charged with four misdemeanor counts of failing to file a tax return from 2015 to 2018. Acevedo faces up to five years in prison on the most serious counts. The former longtime chief of staff to Madigan is indicted on charges of lying to a federal grand jury investigating allegations that Commonwealth Edison paid bribes in exchange for Madigan's assistance pushing though legislation in Springfield. He pleads not guilty two days later. An outgrowth of a case that arose from the ComEd bribes-for-favors scandal, Collins is charged with falsely claiming $31,830 in travel expenses on her tax returns. Collins, who previously lobbied for ComEd, was hit with the new charge of filing a false tax return for the calendar year 2018 in a superseding indictment filed May 26, 2021 that added the allegations to a broader tax case. She pleads not guilty. The Tribune learns among their discussions was a plan to turn a state-owned parcel of land in Chinatown into a commercial development. Though the land deal never was consummated, it's been a source of continued interest for federal investigators, who last year subpoenaed Madigan's office for records and communications he'd had with key players. At least one of them recently appeared before the grand jury investigating Madigan's political operation, sources tell the Tribune. Text messages, obtained by the Tribune through an open records request, show Dougherty repeatedly tried to downplay his role in the ComEd probe to the mayor in 2020 even after federal agents raided the City Club's offices in the Wrigley Building in the spring of 2019. Acevedo, enters his plea to one count of tax evasion during a hearing via videoconference before U.S. District Judge Matthew Kennelly. The plea scuttles a jury trial that had been set for Jan. 10, 2022. The most remarkable thing about the Commonwealth Edison bribery probe in 2021 might be what didn't happen. The indictment is returned by a federal grand jury after a more than two-year investigation, according to federal prosecutors. Among the alleged schemes outlined in the indictment was a plan by utility giant Commonwealth Edison to pay thousands of dollars to lobbyists favored by Madigan in order to win his influence over legislation the company wanted passed in Springfield. A week after he was charged in a bombshell corruption indictment, Madigan, is arraigned in a telephone hearing in U.S. District Court on allegations he ran his elected office and political operation as a criminal enterprise that provided personal financial rewards for him and his associates. Acevedo's attorneys had asked for a term of probation, but U.S. District Judge Matthew Kennelly says his background as a former elected official and a Chicago police officer meant that people were paying attention, and a sentence of probation would seem like 'this person got a pass.' The revelation undermines the storyline Madigan put out when the Tribune first revealed his longtime confidant McClain had lined up friendly utility lobbyists to pay Kevin Quinn thousands of dollars despite his abrupt departure. Mapes, the former chief of staff to Madigan, walks into the Dirksen U.S. Courthouse for a status hearing on charges he lied to a federal grand jury investigating the alleged ComEd scheme. He was the first of six people who have been charged as part of the ComEd bribery scandal to set foot in a federal courtroom. AT&T agrees to pay a $23 million fine as part of a federal criminal investigation into the company's illegal efforts to influence Madigan. Federal prosecutors also unseal a superseding indictment against Madigan and his longtime confidant McClain, adding allegations about the AT&T Illinois scheme. The Tribune learns that Cullen, a lobbyist who played political point man for years on Madigan's government staff, has testified before the ongoing federal grand jury looking into broad aspects of Madigan's political world, which prosecutors allege included a criminal enterprise aimed at providing personal financial rewards for Madigan and his associates. The date for the six- to seven-week trial is set during a 10-minute telephone status hearing between U.S. District Judge John Robert Blakey and attorneys in the case. Neither Madigan nor his co-defendant McClain were required to be on the call. After about seven hours of questioning potential jurors in the hot-button case, U.S. District Judge Harry Leinenweber wrapped for the day about 5 p.m., with a pool of just over 60 members of the panel told to come back to court for another round. Madigan's photo became a focal point as the high-profile 'ComEd Four' trial started in earnest at the Dirksen U.S. Courthouse, where federal prosecutors said in opening statements that the long-serving Democratic boss benefited personally and politically from a scheme by the utility giant to funnel payments and jobs to Madigan's associates. In return, prosecutors, say, the powerful speaker used his position to push or block legislation worth hundreds of millions of dollars to the utility. Found guilty of bribery conspiracy are: Former ComEd contract lobbyist Michael McClain, a longtime Madigan confidant; former ComEd CEO Anne Pramaggiore; ex-ComEd executive John Hooker, and Jay Doherty, who worked as a lobbyist for ComEd for 30 years and served as president of the City Club of Chicago civic forum. In handing down the sentence, U.S. District Judge John Kness said he struggled at a fundamental level to understand how Mapes found himself in this position. 'This is a very sad case to me because I don't understand why you did what you did,' Kness said. 'You were immunized in the grand jury and all you had to do was go in there and tell the truth.' Kness likened it to the mafia concept of 'omerta,' the concept 'that you don't rat on your friends.' A federal jury convicted Madigan of multiple federal charges including bribery conspiracy — but jurors deadlocked on other charges in the wide-ranging indictment, including the marquee racketeering conspiracy count. The panel also deadlocked on all six counts against Madigan co-defendant Michael McClain. Sources: Court documents, news reports and Chicago Tribune reporting


San Francisco Chronicle
an hour ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Big changes are being proposed for a US food aid program. Here's a breakdown by the numbers
President Donald Trump's plan to cut taxes by trillions of dollars could also trim billions in spending from social safety net programs, including food aid for lower-income people. The proposed changes to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program would make states pick up more of the costs, require several million more recipients to work or lose their benefits, and potentially reduce the amount of food aid people receive in the future. The legislation, which narrowly passed the U.S. House, could undergo further changes in the Senate, where it's currently being debated. Trump wants lawmakers to send the 'One Big Beautiful Bill Act' to his desk by July 4, when the nation marks the 249th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Here's a look at the food aid program, by the numbers: Year: 2008 The federal aid program formerly known as food stamps was renamed the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, on Oct. 1, 2008. The program provides monthly payments for food purchases to low-income residents generally earning less than $1,632 monthly for individuals, or $3,380 monthly for a household of four. The nation's first experiment with food stamps began in 1939. But the modern version of the program dates to 1979, when a change in federal law took effect eliminating a requirement that participants purchase food stamps. There currently is no cost to people participating in the program. Number: 42 million A little over 42 million people nationwide received SNAP benefits in February, the latest month for which figures are available. That's roughly one out of every eight people in the county. Participation is down from a peak average of 47.6 million people during the 2013 federal fiscal year. Often, more than one person in a household is eligible for food aid. As of February, nearly 22.5 million households were enrolled in SNAP, receiving an average monthly household benefit of $353. The money can be spent on most groceries, but Trump's administration recently approved requests by six states — Arkansas, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Nebraska and Utah — to exclude certain items, such as soda or candy. Dollars: $295 billion Legislation passed by the House is projected to cut about $295 billion of federal spending from SNAP over the next 10 years, according to the Congressional Budget Office. A little more than half of those federal savings would come by shifting costs to states, which administer SNAP. Nearly one-third of those savings would come by expanding a work requirement for some SNAP participants, which the CBO assumes would force some people off the rolls. Additional money would be saved by eliminating SNAP benefits for between 120,000 and 250,000 immigrants legally in the U.S. who are not citizens or lawful permanent residents. Another provision in the legislation would cap the annual inflationary growth in food benefits. As a result, the CBO estimates that the average monthly food benefit would be about $15 lower than it otherwise would have been by 2034. Ages: 7 and 55-64 To receive SNAP benefits, current law says adults ages 18 through 54 who are physically and mentally able and don't have dependents need to work, volunteer or participate in training programs for at least 80 hours a month. Those who don't do so are limited to just three months of benefits in a three-year period. The legislation that passed the House would expand work requirements to those ages 55 through 64. It also would extend work requirements to some parents without children younger than age 7. And it would limit the ability of states to waive work requirements in areas that lack sufficient jobs. The combined effect of those changes is projected by the CBO to reduce SNAP participation by a monthly average of 3.2 million people. Percentages: 5%-25% The federal government currently splits the administrative costs of SNAP with states but covers the full cost of food benefits. Under the legislation, states would have to cover three-fourths of the administrative costs. States also would have to pay a portion of the food benefits starting with the 2028 fiscal year. All states would be required to pay at least 5% of the food aid benefits, and could pay more depending on how often they make mistakes with people's payments. States that had payment error rates between 6-8% in the most recent federal fiscal year for which data is available would have to cover 15% of the food costs. States with error rates between 8-10% would have to cover 20% of the food benefits, and those with error rates greater than 10% would have to cover 25% of the food costs. Many states could get hit with higher costs. The national error rate stood at 11.7% in the 2023 fiscal year, and just three states — Idaho, South Dakota and Vermont — had error rates below 5%. But the 2023 figures are unlikely to serve as the base year, so the exact costs to states remains unclear. As a result of the cost shift, the CBO assumes that some states would reduce or eliminate benefits for people. Margin: 1 House Resolution 1, containing the SNAP changes and tax cuts, passed the House last month by a margin of just one vote — 215-214. A vote also could be close in the Senate, where Republicans hold 53 of the 100 seats. Democrats did not support the bill in the House and are unlikely to do so in the Senate. Some Republican senators have expressed reservations about proposed cuts to food aid and Medicaid and the potential impact of the bill on the federal deficit. GOP Senate leaders may have to make some changes to the bill to ensure enough support to pass it.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
What's targeted in Trump's request for $9.4 billion in budget cuts from Congress
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump is looking to cancel $9.4 billion in spending already approved by Congress. That's just a sliver of the $1.7 trillion that lawmakers OK'd for the budget year ending Sept. 30. The package of 21 budget rescissions will have to be approved by both chambers of Congress for the cuts to take place, beginning with a House vote expected Thursday. Otherwise, the spending remains in place. The White House is betting that cutting federal investments in public media and some foreign aid programs will prove politically popular. Republicans say if this first effort is successful, they hope more rescission packages will follow as they look to continue work by the so-called Department of Government Efficiency once run by billionaire Elon Musk. Democrats describe the cuts as inhumane and say they would rip life-saving support from hungry and sick people across the globe. Republicans are describing the cuts as 'modest' and say the U.S. will continue to play a critical role in helping the world's most vulnerable people. Here's a look at some of the spending the White House is trying to claw back: Public media on the chopping block The Republican president has asked lawmakers to rescind nearly $1.1 billion from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which represents the full amount it's slated to receive during the next two budget years. Congress has traditionally provided public media with advanced funds to reduce political pressures. The corporation distributes the money mostly to public television and radio stations around the country, with some assigned to National Public Radio and the Public Broadcasting System to support national programming. The White House says the public media system is politically biased and an unnecessary expense. Much of the conservatives' ire is focused on NPR and PBS. 'We believe that you all can hate us on your own dime,' said Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, during a hearing in March. But about two-thirds of the money goes to more than 1,500 locally owned public radio and television stations. Nearly half of those stations serve rural areas of the country. 'They want to punish the national guys, that's fine,' said Rep. Mark Amodei, a Republican who said he was undecided going into this week's vote. 'But I'm trying to get a handle on what it means for my stations in Nevada, because the ability to fundraise at the national level ain't the same as the ability to fundraise in Reno.' The association representing local public television stations warns that many of them would be forced to close if the GOP bill passes. Those stations provide emergency alerts, free educational programming and high school sports coverage and highlight hometown heroes. Meanwhile, local radio stations say their share of the allocation provides funding for 386 stations employing nearly 10,000 people. Dozens of stations rely on the public grants for more than half of their budget. Many others for nearly half. Some Republicans say they worry about what the cuts would mean for local public stations but tough decisions are necessary. Rep. Dusty Johnson, R-S.D., said South Dakota Public Broadcasting does a 'really good job of covering the state Legislature" and other public affairs. 'So these rescissions are not going to be comfortable for South Dakota to deal with,' Johnson said. 'That being said, we're $37 trillion in debt." Funding to combat diseases Trump's administration is looking to claw back about $900 million from $10 billion that Congress has approved for global health programs. That includes canceling $500 million for activities related to infectious diseases and child and maternal health and another $400 million to address the global HIV epidemic. The administration says the $500 million rescission for infectious diseases would not reduce treatment but would 'eliminate programs that are antithetical to American interests and worsen the lives of women and children, like 'family planning' and 'reproductive health,' LGBTQI+ activities, and equity programs.' It makes a similar assurance on the HIV funding, saying it would eliminate 'only those programs that neither provide life-saving treatment nor support American interests.' Scores of humanitarian aid groups have asked lawmakers to oppose the proposed cuts. Catholic Relief Services called on donors to contact their members of Congress to urge them to vote against the bill. Without the U.S. assistance, "countless lives are at risk, and the needs will continue to rise,' said the plea to supporters. The importance of the United States' contribution to the global HIV response cannot be overstated, according to the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS. It says the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, has saved more than 26 million lives and averted almost 5 million new HIV infections since it was launched in 2003 under President George W. Bush, a Republican. 'Instead of facing a death sentence, people supported by PEPFAR are raising families, building their communities, and helping their communities grow and develop,' said Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn. Refugee assistance The Trump administration is looking to cancel $800 million, or a quarter of the amount Congress approved, for a program that provides emergency shelter, water and sanitation, and family reunification for those forced to flee their own country. The program also helps vetted refugees who come to the U.S. get started in their new country. The White House says 'these funds support activities that could be more fairly shared with non-U.S. Government donors, providing savings to the U.S. taxpayer.' Refugees International urged Congress to reject what it described as a reckless proposal. Promoting stability About 45% of the savings sought by the White House would come from two programs designed to boost the economies, democratic institutions and civil societies in developing countries. The administration wants to claw back $2.5 billion of the $3.9 billion approved for the Development Assistance program at the U.S. Agency for International Development and about $1.7 billion, or nearly half of the funds, dedicated to the State Department's Economic Support Fund. The administration says in its request to Congress that the Development Assistance account is supposed to fund programs that work to end extreme poverty and promote resilient democratic societies, but in practice many of the programs 'conflict with American values' and bankroll corrupt leaders' evasion of responsibilities to their citizens while providing "no clear benefit to Americans.' U.S. leaders have often argued over the years that helping to eradicate conditions that lead to political upheaval abroad is not just the right thing to do but also the smart thing. 'By helping stem pandemics and war and helping countries become healthy, free-market democracies, we are actually helping our own country,' said Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill. Republicans are rejecting the dire warnings. Rep. Robert Aderholt, R-Ala., said ' waste, fraud and abuse is what this is all about.'