
Why India Should Be Wary As China Tries To 'Realign' Pak And Taliban
The Taliban-led Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) is now edging towards completing its fourth year in power. In the past four years, India's outreach to the regime has progressed incrementally, transitioning to a more overt but cautiously pragmatic engagement. The latest phone call between India's External Affairs Minister, Dr S. Jaishankar, and the interim Foreign Minister of the IEA, Amir Khan Muttaqi, marked an important milestone in this engagement.
The Meeting With Muttaqi
The External Affairs Minister (EAM) expressed gratitude towards Muttaqi for condemning the terror attack in Pahalgam and appreciated that they did not buy into attempts to sow distrust between the two countries, an indirect reference to misleading claims made by Pakistan. Over the years, New Delhi's strategy has evolved, making sure that the Taliban are cognisant of their security considerations while slowly committing to increasing its humanitarian and development cooperation with the country.
In January this year, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri had met Muttaqi in Dubai, the most high-level engagement between the two sides. This also came in the aftermath of the deterioration of ties between Pakistan and Afghanistan as the two engaged in strikes and counter-strikes in December 2024. For India, a reduction in Pakistan's influence in Kabul gives it more space to increase its engagement and better secure its strategic and security interests in the region. The importance of Chabahar port for trade, delivery of humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan and distancing Kabul from its over-dependence on Islamabad is also seen as an avenue for cooperation.
All Are Warming Up To Taliban
However, while New Delhi has increased the tempo of its outreach, other countries in the region have been more forthcoming in their engagement. Russia recently removed the Taliban from its list of terror organisations, albeit temporarily. Iran and Central Asian Republics, such as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and even Tajikistan, have also increased their engagement with the group. The Taliban also leverages these developments, reiterating their neutral foreign policy based on mutual interests and a quid pro quo approach.
When the latest conflict between India and Pakistan was still going on, the Taliban highlighted their relationship with both countries and urged them to show restraint and resolve the issues through dialogue. While India has increased its outreach to the group in the last few weeks, with the call and the April 27 meeting with an Indian delegation led by the Joint Secretary from the MEA, Muttaqi has also been engaging with his counterparts from Pakistan and China.
China Plays 'Broker'
Following up on the meeting of the Special Representatives of Pakistan and China in Kabul on May 10 in which they met Muttaqi, the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Mohammad Ishaq Dar, and Muttaqi convened in China for a trilateral consultation with China's Foreign Affairs Minister, Wang Yi, on May 20-21. The three sides reaffirmed their commitment to develop their relations based on mutual interests and good neighbourliness. They also committed to increasing cooperation in the economic and connectivity front and agreed to expand the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to Afghanistan.
At the same time, the statement from the emirate did not mention any security cooperation; the Pakistani and Chinese statements referred to their opposition to all forms of terrorism and their commitment to counter it through increased security and law enforcement cooperation. Muttaqi also committed not to let Afghan territory be used against any of its neighbouring countries in his bilateral meeting with Wang Yi.
China's Foreign Affairs Ministry also released an outcome statement on the meeting, highlighting Beijing's resolve to assist in increasing the diplomatic engagement between Afghanistan and Pakistan. In the statement, Yi mentioned that both Kabul and Islamabad have agreed to exchange ambassadors 'in principle' and that Beijing will provide all assistance to improve their ties.
Not All Is Well In Afghanistan
The economic commitments made in the statements still have a long way to go, and no progress has been made on the CPEC, with none expected in the near future. But in the aftermath of the conflict between India and Pakistan, China's bid to realign Pakistan and Afghanistan under its sphere can be problematic for New Delhi. For the Taliban, while a good relationship with India allows it to assert its independence from Islamabad, it is for New Delhi to see if its ties with the Taliban can reap the benefits it wishes to get. Even as the relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan has deteriorated significantly in the past three-and-a-half years, the two sides have been trying to address their issues and re-engage.
In the aftermath of India's military strikes on terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan, certain terror groups in Afghanistan, particularly the Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), released a statement calling the strikes an 'act of aggression' and resolved to unleash a 'jihad' against the country.
As India advances its relationship with the regime, it should also be mindful of the threat posed by the presence of these groups in the country. While the Taliban deny it and deem all international reports as being politically motivated, there are still several terrorist outfits functioning in Afghanistan. The Taliban's ability and willingness to counter them and other groups are still circumspect. While the current regional status quo does give New Delhi more space and incentive to work with the regime in Kabul, the Emirate's ties with China and Pakistan, and the latter's growing coordination on Afghanistan, do pose a huge risk to New Delhi's outreach.
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The Wire
30 minutes ago
- The Wire
After Pahalgam and Sindoor: Questions India Must Ask Itself
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Security After Pahalgam and Sindoor: Questions India Must Ask Itself Sanjiv Krishan Sood 4 minutes ago While India's armed response to the Pahalgam massacre was swift and strategically effective, the deeper questions about intelligence failures, foreign policy and the sustainability of retaliatory doctrine remain unresolved. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now If Operation Sindoor began as a limited attack on nine locations linked to Pakistan-based terrorist groups, the Pakistani response prompted the Indian defence forces to undertake a number of actions aimed at Pakistan's military establishment. Through precision strikes on militant infrastructure, followed by carefully calibrated aggression, the Indian Air Force and Army degraded key assets while preventing any substantial damage to our own military or civilian infrastructure. The response to the massacre at Pahalgam carried out by terrorists linked to Pakistan was measured but resolute. It was aimed as prompting Islamabad to reassess its state policy of harbouring and sponsoring terror. India's declaration that all acts of terrorism will now be treated as acts of war marks a significant shift in doctrine. That said, six weeks after the Pahalgam tragedy and nearly a month since the cessation of hostilities, several critical questions remain unanswered by both our security and political leadership. The first is whether Operation Sindoor achieved its stated objectives. The Prime Minister, in a Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) meeting, gave the armed forces a free hand to destroy the terror infrastructure in Pakistan. On the nights of May 6th and 7th, nine terrorist camps were reportedly neutralized, and numerous militants killed. But can we truly say the infrastructure has been dismantled? Is the deterrent strong enough to prevent future attacks? The evidence doesn't inspire confidence. Since the 2016 Uri surgical strikes and the 2019 Balakot air strikes following Pulwama, Pakistan-based terrorists have continued to strike at Indian targets. Pathankot, Kathua, Udhampur, and other places have seen terror attacks even after high-profile retaliatory actions. Supporting terrorism in India appears to be entrenched in Pakistan's state doctrine. The reported decision of the Pakistani government to offer financial aid to the families of slain terrorists and rebuild destroyed camps signals no intent to step back. More troubling is the international silence. Aside from muted support from Russia, India has struggled to garner vocal backing from major global powers. In contrast, Pakistan received overt support from China and Turkey—both of whom extended diplomatic cover and material support, including drones and modern aircraft used during the brief conflict. Despite a two-week window before striking the terrorist camps, India failed to shape global opinion or present a compelling narrative. This diplomatic vacuum echoes the aftermath of Balakot, when Pakistan successfully projected its version of events internationally. The all-party delegations India dispatched to various countries gained limited traction, mostly among nations with marginal influence on global affairs. This stands in sharp contrast to India's success in 1971 and during the Kargil conflict in 1999, when it managed to effectively justify its actions and rally international opinion. Why the shift? The present government's handling of foreign policy and communication strategy deserves closer scrutiny. That brings us to the ceasefire itself. By May 10th, Indian forces reportedly had the upper hand. Yet it was the US president who first announced the ceasefire, followed by India's own foreign secretary. President Trump's repeated claims of having mediated the ceasefire raise uncomfortable questions. Has India, which long resisted international mediation and stood firmly for bilateralism, allowed itself to be hyphenated with Pakistan once again? While the decision to end hostilities may have been strategically sound, it was an anti-climax for a public whipped into a frenzy by media speculation and political rhetoric. Talk of reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and total victory created unrealistic expectations. The actual motivations for the ceasefire remain speculative. It may have been American pressure, given the escalatory risks between two nuclear powers. Or it could have been India's own calculation—that sufficient punishment had been meted out, and further escalation would only risk unnecessary civilian casualties, particularly in areas like Poonch and Rajouri. The safety of civilians in border areas is another glaring concern. While cities were issued alerts, conducted blackouts, and prepared for contingencies, residents living within range of Pakistani small arms and artillery fire were left dangerously exposed. Civilian deaths and property destruction in border towns were substantial. The state must ensure compensation and future protection for these vulnerable populations. The economic implications of conflict also merit discussion. India, now a $4 trillion economy, has far more to lose than Pakistan in a prolonged war. With vast developmental needs and social infrastructure demands, even short conflicts strain national resources. A quick resolution to conflict is, in this sense, in India's own interest. But that only makes the need for a coherent and sustainable response doctrine even more urgent. Our new policy of equating terror attacks with acts of war raises critical strategic questions. What is the threshold for retaliation? Would attacks outside Kashmir trigger the same response as those within? Does the number of casualties factor into the decision? Can every incident justify cross-border action without risking long-term regional stability and international isolation? Notably, India's responses have escalated over time—from Uri to Balakot to Sindoor. Where does this trajectory end, especially with a politically unstable and militarily erratic neighbour? The potential for future Chinese involvement further complicates matters. India's strategic community must urgently engage with these questions. Yet, above all, the most urgent question remains: how was the Pahalgam massacre allowed to happen in the first place? Why did our intelligence agencies fail to detect preparatory activity? How did they miss the apparent increase in satellite imagery demand for Pahalgam in February? Such lapses are inexcusable—they cost 26 innocent lives at Pahalgam, and many more in the conflict that followed. These intelligence failures are not isolated. They follow a disturbing pattern seen in Pulwama, Pathankot, Udhampur, Kathua, Mumbai, and other attacks. Yet accountability remains elusive. Why was there no security detail at such a high-profile tourist site? Who in the chain of command failed—the SP, DIG, IG, or DG? Are our forces overly fixated on protecting politicians and VIPs at the cost of ordinary citizens? Some may argue that providing security everywhere is impractical. But complete absence of police presence at a known tourist destination is indefensible. Did complacency set in after the abrogation of Article 370 and the successful state elections, leading officials to believe that the threat had passed? And finally, why do these tragedies keep recurring? Has any impartial inquiry been conducted into past lapses? Have recommendations been implemented? The public has a right to know whether lessons are being learned, or merely filed away. These questions may sound rhetorical. But unless they are asked, addressed, and acted upon, we risk reliving the same tragedy. The lives lost at Pahalgam demand more than patriotic fervour and retaliatory strikes. They demand introspection, accountability, and a strategy that looks beyond the immediate headlines. Sanjiv Krishan Sood was additional director general of the BSF. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News Modi's Search for Global Solidarity Rings Hollow Amid Rising Domestic Intolerance in India Eight Days, Nine Rallies, Six States: Tracking PM Modi and Operation Sindoor as Campaign Ammunition Gandhi's and Modi's Reflections on 'Sindoor' Are Poles Apart Modi Says 'Not Blood, Hot Sindoor' Flows In His Veins In First Public Address Since Op Sindoor Why a Special Session of the Parliament is Critical to Discuss the Disclosure Made by CDS Chauhan 'Trade Offer Averted India-Pakistan War': Trump Administration Tells US Court From Flowers to Sarees, A Story of PM Modi's Communication Imagery Post-Operation Sindoor By Calling For the Boycott of Foreign Goods, Modi Contradicts Himself Facing Pushback, Derision and Anger, BJP Says News of Sindoor Distribution Plans 'Fake' View in Desktop Mode About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.


Indian Express
30 minutes ago
- Indian Express
For a $5 trillion economy, India must embrace cutting-edge tech
The Indian economy is on the threshold of crossing another milestone and becoming the fourth-largest in the world. It is a commendable achievement for a country that began its journey as an independent nation in 1947 with a meagre $33-billion economy. Decades of British exploitation left it significantly weakened and poor. The Jawaharlal Nehru government's Soviet-style central planning, while promoting heavy industries and the public sector, led to low economic growth of 3-4 per cent, pejoratively described as the 'Hindu rate of growth'. In 40 years, it could only reach the $266 billion mark. The first major leap came in 1991 when the Narasimha Rao government introduced economic liberalisation and unleashed the potential of Indian entrepreneurs. The opportunity offered by the digital revolution with the introduction of the internet was quickly seized by some of India's brightest tech entrepreneurs. The Indian economy grew manifold in the next two decades on the strength of its services economy, which contributed 60 per cent of the nation's GDP. The economy crossed $2 trillion by the time the Narendra Modi government came to power. The last 10 years have seen the Modi government giving greater emphasis to faster economic growth through programmes like Stand-Up India, Start-Up India and Make in India. The results are there to see. IMF data from May has projected that the Indian economy will overtake Japan this year, reaching the $4.19 trillion mark. Japan was once a $5.8 trillion economy but has shrunk to $ 4.18 trillion due to stagnation and slow growth rates since the 1990s. As India demonstrated promising growth, naysayers rushed forward to raise the hollow bogey of per capita income. Per capita income is determined by factors like the size of the population. India is the world's most populous country. As a result, whatever may be the size of GDP, its per capita figures are bound to remain low. No country's growth can be measured on the criterion of per capita income alone. Although the US is the world's largest economy with a $28 trillion GDP, it ranks seventh in per capita. China, the second-largest economy with $18 trillion, ranks 69. The per capita argument is worthless because even if India becomes the world's largest economy with $30 trillion, it will still be ranked 55th in terms of per capita. The only merit of this argument is that the country should be able to provide better living standards to all its citizens. In democracies, the fruits of economic growth percolate to all sections of society. This is reflected in the consumption patterns. Surveys indicate that the monthly per capita expenditure (MPCE) has increased in India by more than 2.5 times in the last 10 years. Interestingly, most of this expenditure was on travel, health and education, indicating healthy growth parameters. Tourism has seen remarkable growth in the last 10 years. China still occupies the first rank in the number of domestic and international travellers. India lagged in this sector for decades due to a lack of disposable income and tourism infrastructure. But today, with the incomes of the middle class growing substantially, Indians have started travelling more. Data indicates about 2.5 billion domestic tourist visits last year. Figures for 2024 indicate that almost 29 million Indians travelled abroad marking a 30 per cent growth. All this indicates healthy economic growth, which has led to the near eradication of baseline poverty and the creation of a strong middle class with disposable income. The Modi government aspires to take the economy to further heights with targets ranging from $ 5 trillion in 2027 to $10 trillion in 2035. The current impressive growth is a result of corrective measures taken by the government. It removed parallel economy, allowed proper distribution of wealth and encouraged greater consumption. But the path from here needs to be calibrated carefully. Economies grow on the strength not just of consumption but also trade and technology. Quality, quantity and speed are the main determining factors. India and China were leading economies until the middle of the 18th century. But when the industrial revolution occurred first in England and later in America, those two countries surged ahead and became leading economic powers by the dawn of the 20th century. When automation and digitisation progressed in the last decades of the last century, China moved ahead of the curve, emerging as the second-largest economy by 2008. We are now in the post-manufacturing and post-digital era. Growth in frontier technologies will determine a country's economic future. A country of India's size and capability cannot just think perpetually in terms of catching up with the developed West and the rest. It has to, instead, think in terms of moving ahead of the curve. We missed the first two industrial revolutions as we were a slave nation at that time. We benefitted partially from the third, digital revolution of the 1980s and '90s and became a leader in sectors like IT services. But the Fourth Industrial Revolution, led by Artificial Intelligence (AI), quantum technologies, robotics, space, defence, crypto and bio-engineering calls for new thinking and new priorities. The impressive growth of the Indian economy in the last decade was largely due to the unleashing of its basic potential. The trajectory from here should be more strategic, with greater emphasis on deep-tech R&D, an area in which we lag. It is important to create a climate of hassle-free access to investments in these areas. Only then can India aspire to achieve its goal of becoming a $10 trillion economy in the next 10 years. The writer, president, India Foundation, is with the BJP
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First Post
35 minutes ago
- First Post
G7 summit: PM Modi likely to focus on Pak terror agenda on his first post-Op Sindoor foreign trip
Prime Minister Narendra Modi formally accepted the invitation extended by his Canadian counterpart Mark Carney, to attend the G7 Summit in Alberta after weeks of speculation over PM Modi's participation read more Prime Minister Narendra Modi accepted the invitation from Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney to participate in the G7 summit scheduled to take place in Alberta. During the visit, the prime minister is likely to call out Pakistan's terror agenda since this will be his first foreign trip since India conducted Operation Sindoor against nine terror camps in Pakistan. On Friday, the prime minister officially confirmed the news on X, formerly known as Twitter. The invitation from Carney and PM Modi's acceptance came after a week of suspense over PM Modi's participation due to the lack of an invitation from Canada. India is not a member of the G7 nations, but the prime minister has been invited to all the G7 summits since 2019. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In his post, PM Modi thanked his Canadian counterpart for the invite. 'Glad to receive a call from Prime Minister @MarkJCarney of Canada. Congratulated him on his recent election victory and thanked him for the invitation to the G7 Summit in Kananaskis later this month,' the Indian premier wrote in the post. 'As vibrant democracies bound by deep people-to-people ties, India and Canada will work together with renewed vigour, guided by mutual respect and shared interests. Look forward to our meeting at the Summit,' he added. Glad to receive a call from Prime Minister @MarkJCarney of Canada. Congratulated him on his recent election victory and thanked him for the invitation to the G7 Summit in Kananaskis later this month. As vibrant democracies bound by deep people-to-people ties, India and Canada… — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) June 6, 2025 PM Modi's first foreign visit since Operation Sindoor This will be Prime Minister Modi's first foreign trip after India's Operation Sindoor . Hence, many believe that PM Modi would likely highlight Pakistan's terror exports . Meanwhile, the Canadian readout did not highlight much about the visit. 'Importantly, there was agreement to continue law enforcement dialogue and discussions addressing security concerns,' the readout said about the call between the two world leaders. During the phone call, PM Modi and Carney, who was sworn in as Canada's PM in March and won federal elections the next month, pledged to rebuild the relationship that was soured by former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India-Canada relations nose-dived into an abyss after Trudeau stood in the Canadian parliament and alleged that agents working for the Government of India were involved in the murder of pro-Khalistan terrorist and Canadian national Hardeep Singh Nijjar . New Delhi vehemently rejected the allegations, calling Trudeau's assertion absurd. The whole saga spiralled down to a point where both countries called back their high commissioners. When asked about the Nijjar investigations, Canadian Foreign Minister Anita Anand said last week that while the rule of law will never be compromised, Canada is looking forward to continuing to build this partnership. 'The two leaders discussed the longstanding relationship between Canada and India, including deep people-to-people ties and significant commercial links,'' said the Canadian readout on the Friday phone call. The summit will also see PM Modi coming face to face with US President Donald Trump for the first time since the latter imposed a 26 per cent tariff on India in February this year. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD