Following backlash, premier Odisha university withdraws order imposing restrictions on women staff and students
The order, issued by the registrar of the 157-year-old storied institution but withdrawn hours later, said: 'No female faculty, staff and students are permitted to remain in the workplace or on campus after 5.30 pm. This decision will remain in place until a formal Standard Operating Procedure (SoP) is issued, which will outline the necessary guidelines and protocols for work hours and safety measures'.
It was withdrawn through a separate order.
According to sources, university authorities may have been prompted to take the step in the wake of a student's suicide following alleged sexual harassment at a college in Odisha.
'However, the higher education department interfered saying that such an order would send the wrong message,' one official said.
When contacted, the university's registrar refused to comment, saying only that the order stood withdrawn.
Founded in 1868 with intermediate level classes at Cuttack Zilla School – known now as Ravenshaw Collegiate School — the Ravenshaw University became a degree college in 1876 and eventually became a state university. The college was named after Thomas Edward Ravenshaw, a British officer who remained in charge of Orissa until 1878, and was initially affiliated to Calcutta University.
Meanwhile, Odisha government has directed all departments to ensure strict compliance with the provisions of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 by all institutions/organisations.
In a letter to all secretaries and collectors, the Odisha Chief Secretary Manoj Ahuja asked for strict implementation of the POSH (Prevention of Sexual Harassment) Act in workplaces and institutions to ensure a safe, respectful and inclusive environment, particularly for women.
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Indian Express
37 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Pune Crime Files: from escort service to drug sale, how convicted top sex racketeer Kalyani was booked under MCOCA again
Jayashree alias Kalyani Umesh Deshpande, 56, whose name has figured in Pune police records for years as an infamous sex racketeer, has once again been booked under the stringent Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA). This time, however, the action taken against her is in connection with the 'ganja (marijuana)' business she was allegedly operating from the garment shop Kalyani Collection, located near her residence Balaji Nivas, on the Pashan-Sus Road. Acting on a tip-off, a team from the Anti-Narcotics Cell of the Pimpri Chinchwad police's crime branch raided Balaji Nivas and Kalyani Collection on May 24 this year. The search was led by Santosh Patil, Senior Inspector, and Vikram Gaikwad, Assistant Inspector. The police arrested Kalyani's husband Umesh Deshpande, 56, her niece Aishwarya Deshpande alias Aishwarya Ranawade, 22, and Aishwarya's husband Abhishekh Ranawade, 32, from the spot. The searches, meanwhile, led to the recovery of about 21 kg of marijuana, worth Rs 11 lakh, from their possession. Questioning of the three accused allegedly revealed that Kalyani had procured the marijuana, which was then stocked in nylon bags and sold from the garment shop. A First Information Report (FIR) was lodged at Bavdhan police station under sections of the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act. The investigators launched a search for Kalyani. A senior police officer said that though Kalyani is the most notorious sex racketeer in Pune, this is the first case against her that is linked to a drug racket. The police suspect that Kalyani, who is known to have contacts across various criminal syndicates, allegedly networked with marijuana smugglers operating from Odisha via Andhra Pradesh. Meanwhile, officers said she started Kalyani Collection a few months before the raids. The shop sold garments, but it was allegedly just a cover for the marijuana business. Following a rigorous search operation, the police arrested her from the Rajanagaram area in Andhra Pradesh on June 15. Since then, she has been behind bars, but the investigators are yet to trace the people who allegedly supplied the marijuana. 'We suspect that she started selling marijuana alongside running the sex racket to make more money,' Senior Inspector Patil said. The Pimpri Chinchwad police said Kalyani was running an organised criminal gang with Umesh, Aishwarya, and Abhishek. Considering the alleged involvement of the gang in six offences, including five crimes pertaining to sex racketeering in the past, the police in July invoked MCOCA against all four accused in the NDPS Act case registered at Bavdhan police station, as per a statement issued on August 2. However, the police said Kalyani has a long criminal record. They believe she was a part of the sex trade in Pune since the 1990s, but her name only made it to Pune City police records in 2000 when she was named an accused in around 25 criminal cases, officers added. As per police records, Kalyani operated an escort agency named 'Venus Escorts' from her bungalow in Pune. She was first booked under MCOCA after her name cropped up in connection with the murder of a sex worker at a hotel on the outskirts of Pune in December 2005. An FIR of murder was lodged against her at Haveli police station, but she was discharged under MCOCA and later acquitted in the case. The police said her residence on Sus Road was infamous for sex trade and crimes. In December 2007, her close aide in the prostitution business, Anil Dhole, was murdered at this bungalow. According to police sources, even after Dhole's death, Kalyani's activities grew, with some of her customers being high-profile clients. Sources said she developed a network that allegedly 'supplied' girls from different parts of the country and abroad for prostitution in Pune and other areas. On March 31, 2012, the Hinjewadi police arrested Kalyani in a sex racket case. And in April, the Maharashtra Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) arrested an inspector and a constable of Hinjewadi police station for allegedly demanding a bribe of Rs 40,000 from Kalyani's cousin Jatin Chawda to prevent seeking an extension in her police custody before the court. Kalyani got bail in this case and allegedly continued to operate her sex racket. Police sources said Kalyani had even announced a film based on her life, claiming that it was being shot in Pune, Mumbai, and Ahmedabad, but did not reveal its title. The film was never released. Kalyani reportedly told investigators that she hailed from an ordinary family and married an autorickshaw driver. She claimed that an urgent need for money in the family had led her to the sex trade. In April 2012, ahead of the birth anniversary of Dr B R Ambedkar, Kalyani had put up banners in some parts of the city to show her interest in social work. The banners carried her photograph alongside Ambedkar's image. However, in 2016, the Pune City police arrested Kalyani after links emerged with a sex racket busted at an apartment in Bhusari Colony, Kothrud. The police had allegedly found two women from Uzbekistan engaged in prostitution at the apartment. Kalyani and her aides – Pradip Gavali and Ravi Tapase – were arrested in this case under sections of the Prevention of Immoral Trafficking Act (PITA). The same year, in October, the police invoked MCOCA against Kalyani in this case. In December 2022, a special court in Pune convicted and sentenced her to seven years of rigorous imprisonment under PITA and MCOCA charges. Officers said that after completing her jail term, she became active in the prostitution business again. Last year, she was arrested in two sex racket cases in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar. Officers said she soon came out on bail before allegedly getting involved in the marijuana trade. Chandan Haygunde is an assistant editor with The Indian Express with 15 + years of experience in covering issues related to Crime, Courts, National Security and Human Rights. He has been associated with The Indian Express since 2007. Chandan has done investigative reporting on incidents of terrorism, left wing extremism, espionage cases, wildlife crimes, narcotics racket, cyber crimes and sensational murder cases in Pune and other parts of Maharashtra. While working on the 'Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) Fellowship on Tigers, Tiger Habitats and Conservation' in 2012, he reported extensively on the illegal activities in the Sahyadri Tiger Reserve in Maharashtra. He has done in-depth reporting on the cases related to the Koregaon Bhima violence in Pune and hearings of the 'Koregaon Bhima Commission of Inquiry'. ... Read More
Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
Why the Ghislaine Maxwell case still matters, even if you're tired of hearing her name
When was convicted in December 2021 for facilitating 's sex trafficking ring, the moment felt like a closing chapter. Yet, more than three years later, her story refuses to fade. In fact, it's increasingly front and center, raising questions about privilege, justice, and whether the authorities can or will ever unearth the full scope of what happened. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Accountability that must mean something Maxwell's 20‑year sentence was meant to be a decisive statement: no one, regardless of wealth or connections, is above the law. Judge Alison Nathan made that crystal clear during sentencing, saying Maxwell wasn't being punished as a stand-in for Epstein, but for her own calculated role in grooming and deceiving underage victims. Yet, her conviction has been upheld on appeal reinforcing the legitimacy of the verdict and efforts to argue that she was shielded by Epstein's 2007 plea deal have repeatedly failed. Some still say she was made a scapegoat after Epstein died, but courts haven't bought it. Ghislaine Maxwell wasn't just a side character in the Jeffrey Epstein saga, she was central to how the whole operation worked. While Epstein may have been the face of the abuse empire, Maxwell was often the one pulling the strings behind the scenes, smoothing over the ugliness with charm, British polish, and a Rolodex full of high-society connections. Born into wealth as the daughter of media mogul Robert Maxwell, Ghislaine had always been part of elite circles. After her father's mysterious death and financial scandal, she moved to New York and became a fixture in the Manhattan social scene—where she met Epstein. Their relationship started as romantic, but even after that fizzled, they remained deeply entwined both personally and professionally. Maxwell's role, according to dozens of victims and federal prosecutors, went far beyond simply being Epstein's ex. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now She was allegedly the recruiter, the groomer, and sometimes even the enforcer. Many women who came forward described her as the one who first approached them with promises of legitimate work, like massage gigs or modeling. She'd often pretend to take them under her wing, only for things to turn coercive once Epstein entered the picture. In court, she was accused of normalizing sexual abuse, manipulating girls into silence, and even participating in the acts herself. What makes it all worse is the way Maxwell used trust to gain access. She was often described as sophisticated and nurturing, someone who made victims feel safe. That false sense of security is what allowed her to facilitate a system of exploitation that allegedly spanned decades, with some victims as young as 14. In 2021, Maxwell was convicted on several charges, including sex trafficking of minors and conspiracy to commit sex trafficking. She's now serving a 20-year sentence. A modern history student, an Oxford graduate Ghislaine Maxwell's educational background is just as elite as the social circles she moved in. Born into privilege as the daughter of British media tycoon Robert Maxwell, she had access to some of the best schools money could buy, and she took full advantage of that early on. She started her education in the UK at Headington School, a prestigious all-girls private school in Oxford. It's the same school that counts Emma Watson (of Harry Potter fame) as an alum, so you get the idea, it's upscale, academic, and built for the well-connected. From there, Ghislaine went on to Balliol College at Oxford University, one of the oldest and most respected colleges in the world. She studied modern history and graduated with a degree in the early 1980s. Now, graduating from Oxford is no small feat, and it placed her firmly in Britain's intellectual and social elite. But like a lot of people in those upper-crust circles, her education was as much about networking as it was about knowledge. Oxford gave her connections some of which she likely drew on later when she entered high society in both the UK and the U.S. Interestingly, despite her academic background and degree in history, Maxwell didn't exactly pursue a career in academia or the public sector. She floated into her father's media empire for a while and later moved to the U.S., where her social life seemed to take center stage, especially once she connected with Jeffrey Epstein. Vaulted into relevance again Recently, Maxwell was transferred to a minimum-security federal prison camp in Texas a move her accusers condemned as preferential. Why does this matter? Because it signals she may still be negotiating with authorities. Reports say she's been questioned by Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche and offered testimony in exchange for clemency. That makes her a potentially powerful witness and that prospect is stoking political and legal backlash. The secrets Epstein took to his grave One of the enduring mysteries of the Epstein scandal is who else knew what and when. Maxwell, as one of only two people convicted for the criminal enterprise, may be one of the only living witnesses with real insight. Investigators and former prosecutors believe her testimony could implicate powerful figures possibly including politicians, financiers, or royalty. If she cooperates, fresh revelations may finally crack open the shadowy world Epstein and Maxwell inhabited. Why society still needs to listen Maxwell's case isn't just about one woman's crimes, it's about how society fails victims, how power shields abusers, and how complicity often looks like silence. Maxwell leveraged charm, privilege, and elite social circles to sustain exploitation and for years, her reputation shielded her behavior from scrutiny. Her fall was dramatic, but it also forces us to confront uncomfortable truths about wealth, gender, and influence. Survivors still haven't been heard fully Even now, survivors including Virginia Giuffre (who tragically passed away in April 2025) remain at the heart of this story. Families like hers argue any leniency toward Maxwell is a betrayal not just to the survivors but to the cause of justice. Giuffre's statements before she died are still some of the most powerful testimony to Maxwell's cruelty. A political flashpoint, not a closed case Now we come to the political dimension: speculation surrounds whether Donald Trump might pardon Maxwell or leverage her testimony for political gain. His MAGA allies are fueling the idea that she could expose a broader network of shared connections. Right-wing commentators portray Maxwell both as a potential whistleblower and a victim but many observers see these efforts as cynical political tactics. Why we're still talking about it If you've tuned out, here's why this case refuses to vanish: Justice isn't complete: Epstein died in custody, but Maxwell lives and could speak. Elite networks still intact: Unanswered questions remain about who else may have enabled or protected abuse. Systemic lessons: The case highlights shortcomings in policing, prosecuting, and protecting survivors. This isn't just another celebrity scandal. It's a cultural reckoning wrapped in a legal drama that keeps revealing new stakes. Whether you're exhausted by simply watching from afar, the Maxwell saga matters—not just for the past, but for how society chooses to confront privilege, power, and justice.
India.com
3 hours ago
- India.com
How Young Is Too Young? India Debates Legal Age For Sexual Consent
New Delhi: Senior Advocate Indira Jaising stood before the Supreme Court of India in the last week on July and made a request that reignited an old and uncomfortable question: should consensual sex between teenagers still be considered a crime? At the center of this storm is one number: 18. That is the age set by Indian law for legally consenting to sex. Jaising argued this threshold may be punishing teenagers instead of protecting them. In her written submission, she urged the court to reconsider how the law treats consensual relationships between adolescents aged 16 to 18. Such relationships, she said, do not fit the definitions of exploitation or abuse. The government disagreed. It fears that lowering the bar could leave minors, those legally not adult, below 18, vulnerable to coercion, manipulation or worse. It argued making room for exceptions could lead to loopholes that might be exploited by traffickers or abusers. But the law, especially the 2012 Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, draws no lines between love and violation when it comes to minors. It sees all sexual activity under the age of 18 as criminal, even when both parties consent. This hard line has come under scrutiny from activists, judges and rights groups who believe the law is outdated or at least too rigid. In some cases, they say, parents have used the law to intervene in relationships they disapprove of, especially when caste, religion or class are involved. Many experts say the law has become a tool of control more than protection. The Global Picture and India's Long Trail Consent laws around the world are not the same. In countries like the United Kingdom and Canada, the age is 16. In the United States, it varies state to state. But in India, it is fixed, one rule for all. Back in 1860, when India first codified its criminal laws, the age was 10. In 1940, it was raised to 16. Then came POCSO, which made 18 the new standard. That was over a decade ago. Since then, the conversation has shifted, slowly, painfully but noticeably. The Courts Speak, Then Pause In 2022, the Karnataka High Court stepped in. It suggested that the Law Commission revisit the consent age under POCSO. The court pointed to several cases where teenage couples, a girl just over 16 and a boy barely out of adolescence, had been pulled into criminal trials under the law, even when there was no allegation of force. The Law Commission reviewed the matter but did not recommend lowering the age. Instead, it proposed something else: allowing courts to use 'judicial discretion' in cases involving teenagers. This means judges could consider the nature of the relationship, the age gap and whether coercion was involved before passing judgment. Even without formal legislation, some courts across India have started doing that. They have granted bail, overturned convictions or dismissed charges in cases where evidence showed mutual consent and emotional connection between teenagers. But not every bench agrees. In April, the Madras High Court overturned an acquittal in a case where a 17-year-old girl left home to be with a 23-year-old man. Her family had arranged her marriage elsewhere. The court sentenced the man to 10 years in prison under POCSO. Process as Punishment For Advocate Jaising, this is part of the problem. She said simply giving judges the discretion is not enough. Trials can be long, traumatic and carry the weight of stigma. 'For many people, the process itself becomes the punishment,' she stated. A report from the India Child Protection Fund shows just how overloaded the system is. As of January 2023, nearly 250,000 POCSO cases were pending in special courts created to handle them. Jaising argued for consistency and for a system that does not criminalise teenagers for being teenagers. 'Leaving everything to judicial discretion can result in unequal outcomes,' she warned. A Society in Conflict With Itself This is where India finds itself today caught between the need to protect and the need to understand, the fear of abuse and the reality of young love and between a law that seeks clarity and a society that lives in shades of grey. Lawyer and child rights advocate Bhuvan Ribhu said exceptions cannot be unconditional. He worries about misuse in cases of trafficking or child marriage. He supports discretion, but also faster trials, better rehabilitation of survivors and greater awareness. Not everyone is cautious. Ananashi Ganguly, co-founder of HAQ: Centre for Child Rights, stands with Jaising. 'We cannot avoid reform only because we are afraid of misuse,' she said. According to her, society is changing. The law needs to change with it. As this debate continues, India faces another question: what does protection mean when it becomes punishment? Where does responsibility lie in a law written for children or in a society still learning to talk to them about sex, safety and consent?
