logo
Bloom dances dangerously close to ‘anti-Semitism denialism' in a hostile UCT campus climate

Bloom dances dangerously close to ‘anti-Semitism denialism' in a hostile UCT campus climate

Daily Maverick18-07-2025
In this piece, David Saks has, on behalf of the South African Jewish Board of Deputies, authored a reply to Kevin Bloom's article in which the journalist reflects on the narrative that the council of the University of Cape Town had chosen to wilfully sacrifice donor funding on the altar of its so-called Gaza resolutions. Bloom writes that a pro-Israel lobby is attempting to shut down criticism of the Jewish state. Saks challenges this reflection.
Those following the debate over the escalation of anti-Semitism at US universities will well remember the almost surreal occasion back in December 2023 when Harvard University's then president Claudine Gay could not bring herself to concede that calls for the 'genocide of Jews' would violate Harvard's rules on bullying and harassment.
Asked this question before a congressional hearing, Gay essentially answered instead that it all depended on the context. It was a telling moment, and a revelatory one. More than any officially commissioned report, it demonstrated the extent to which even the most extreme anti-Semitic attitudes had come to be tolerated on leading US campuses, from the most senior leadership downwards.
Anti-Semitism on university campuses continues to manifest at unprecedentedly high levels, not only in the US, but globally. South Africa has certainly not been immune to these trends, but, on the whole, it has been considerably less of a problem compared with what is happening abroad.
Unfortunately, in recent years the University of Cape Town (UCT) has been something of an exception. Particularly in the aftermath of the 7 October 2023 terror attacks against Israel, but for some time even before that, Jewish students and faculty there have reported being subjected to a range of threats, insults and general abusive behaviour.
Not unlike what happened at Harvard, the failure of the university to take appropriate action to address these incidents, combined with its move over the past year towards instituting a boycott of Israeli academia, has contributed to a campus climate that is increasingly anti-Semitic and unsafe for Jewish students and academics.
A broadside against mainstream Jewish leadership in SA
It is against this background that Kevin Bloom's latest article, which I consider to be a broadside against the mainstream Jewish leadership in South Africa, should be considered (Zionism untethered — inside the legal battle for the soul of UCT, 18 June 2025).
In this piece, Bloom weighs in against a court application brought by Professor Adam Mendelsohn in respect of two resolutions adopted by the UCT council last year. How the purpose and substance of Mendelsohn's application was misrepresented by Bloom from a legal and technical point of view has since been adroitly unpacked by Elsa van Huyssteen.
Suffice it to say here that contrary to the impression that Bloom tries to create, even a cursory reading of Mendelsohn's affidavits would show that the litigation is not about Zionism and the war in Gaza. Rather, it is about whether the UCT Council, in adopting the impugned resolutions, has exercised its powers 'in accordance with its members' fiduciary duties to UCT', and also over whether the resolutions themselves 'infringe on the right to academic freedom by prohibiting individual academics from pursuing research collaborations of their choice'. Van Huyssteen also points out that the application in no way concerns the contents and applicability of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's definition of anti-Semitism, for all that Bloom tries to make out that Mendelsohn appeared 'to be insisting' on UCT adopting it.
From the perspective of the South African Jewish Board of Deputies (SAJBD), a significant concern is that Bloom not only dismisses credible claims of unprecedented anti-Semitic abuse and harassment faced by Jewish students and staff on university campuses worldwide, including at UCT over the past 18 months, but also suggests these claims are fabricated to suppress criticism of Israel.
This emerges most clearly in his quoting approvingly of an affidavit from Princeton University's Professor Joan Scott that has likewise been submitted to the UCT Council. According to Scott, [Zionist] students on US campuses 'express their discomfort in terms of feeling 'unsafe' or 'threatened' … when there is little or no evidence of any physical danger they have experienced'. On this Bloom comments, 'And so Daily Maverick could not help but wonder: Was this also the reality of Zionist fears on the UCT campus?' He adds that this would be for the Western Cape Division of the High Court to decide, but of course has already made his own view on the subject quite obvious.
Beyond his misrepresentations over the purpose of the court application against UCT, what Bloom is also arguably doing here is engaging in what can broadly be characterised as 'anti-Semitism denialism'. According to this way of thinking, not only should claims made by Jews themselves about prejudice against them be treated with scepticism, but their very motives in making them should be called into question. It is not, in other words, only about Jews being objectively wrong when they speak out against anti-Semitism, but that they are being wrong on purpose because they have another agenda.
Anti-Semitic prejudice
To make an obvious point, portraying Jews as being capable of fabricating persecution narratives about themselves and coercing others into accepting them as true is itself a form of anti-Semitic prejudice. There is even a designated term for this, namely 'The Livingstone Formulation'. Coined by University of London academic David Hirsh, this focuses on the manner, particularly on the political left, in which accusations of anti-Semitism are (almost reflexively) responded to with counterclaims that the complainant is weaponising anti-Semitism to suppress criticism of Israel. As Hirsh shows, this rhetoric device is itself dishonest and propagates anti-Semitic stereotypes about Jewish power and deceit.
Anti-Semitism denialism has a long history. Its most infamous form is Holocaust denial, which asserts that the systematic genocide of European Jewry during World War 2 did not occur and was fabricated by Jews for their own malicious purposes. Those who adhere to such beliefs are for the most part far right Nazi apologists, but anti-Semitism denialism often surfaces on the left as well.
One thinks of the persistent insistence by acolytes of the former Soviet Union that there was no problem of anti-Semitism behind the Iron Curtain and that those claiming otherwise were simply engaging in anti-Soviet propaganda. Such knee-jerk defences on the part of the hard left continued throughout the Cold War era, even as Soviet Jewish dissidents were being dispatched to the gulags for such crimes against the state as learning Hebrew, practising their religion and wishing to immigrate to Israel.
Then there are those who deny the persecutions that triggered the mass exodus of Jews from Arab-speaking countries following Israel's establishment. That countries like Syria, Iraq, Libya, Egypt and Yemen today have no or at best a few dozen Jews still living there, whereas prior to 1948 there were tens of thousands, is either never acknowledged, or attributed to the evil machinations of the Zionists themselves.
As a local example of anti-Semitism denialism, I would remind readers of how last year then Minister of Justice Ronald Lamola blandly informed the international community that there was 'no anti-Semitism in South Africa' and that claims to the contrary were 'a nonsense'.
This came just weeks after the SA Jewish Board of Deputies had met with President Cyril Ramaphosa and provided him with chapter and verse details on how local anti-Semitism levels had escalated by more than 600% following the 7 October 2023 massacres. It was also despite legal proceedings, both criminal and civil, having been instituted in a number of these cases. In the wake of Lamola's statements, social media was awash with claims that Zionist Jews were fabricating charges of anti-Semitism to divert attention away from what was happening on the Israel-Gaza front. The self-same insinuations that Bloom makes in his article, in other words.
A common feature of anti-Semitism denialism in all these cases is that those propagating it do so in the face of extensive and conclusive evidence to the contrary. Which brings us to the issue about anti-Semitism on university campuses. Has there indeed been a significant escalation in this regard, as Jewish rights organisations insist, or, as Kevin Bloom and his ilk would have you believe, are such claims no more than a Zionist sleight of hand aimed at silencing and penalising those who speak out against Israel?
In actuality, it is not a question at all. That university and college campuses globally have become hotbeds of anti-Semitism is attested to by a copious and ever-growing body of evidence that is as conclusive as it is damning. However much the actions and rhetoric of those concerned might be couched in anti-imperialist, anti-apartheid or anti-Zionist narratives, in practice it consistently manifests in Jews on campus being subjected to acts of intimidation, gaslighting, character assassination, exclusion, verbal or written insults and sometimes physical violence.
Harassment, vandalism and assault
Since the events of October 7 there have been a plethora of detailed investigative reports demonstrating the extent to which the situation has deteriorated at institutions of higher learning throughout the Western world. The Anti-Defamation League, which tracks incidents of anti-Semitic harassment, vandalism and assault in the US, found that incidents on college and university campuses spiked by 321% in 2023, most occurring after 7/10, and the 2024 figures were not much better. Typical examples of the incidents recorded were Jewish students being routinely confronted by militant anti-Israel activists making such statements as 'Death to Jews', 'go back to Poland' and 'the 7th of October is going to be every day for you'. Beyond the in-your-face abuse, insults and threats has been the practice of social shaming, whereby students and faculty are encouraged to avoid normalising relations with Jewish students.
The parallel situation in the UK was described in a report by the Community Security Trust, whose purpose is to work for the safety and security of the UK Jewish community in December 2024. This found that in the academic years covered by the report (2022-2024) 325 university-related anti-Semitic incidents were recorded, which was more than double the figure recorded in the previous report. Recorded instances included 10 cases of assault and 21 of damage and desecration of Jewish property.
Globally, leading universities are waking up to the fact that they have a real problem, and some at least have been doing something about it. One is the University of London's Goldsmiths College, which commissioned an independent inquiry that in due course concluded that Jewish students and staff had indeed experienced anti-Semitism in the course of their studies or work. The Council and Executive Board of Goldsmiths fully endorsed the findings, stating that anti-Semitism would not be tolerated and that the college would be 'acting against such behaviour as a form of racism'. Similarly, Harvard University established a task force 'to examine the recent history of anti-Semitism and its current manifestations on the Harvard campus with the aim of identifying causes of and contributing factors to anti-Jewish behaviours'.
The final report of that body, released in April this year, confirmed that instances of anti-Semitic harassment at the university had reached unacceptably high levels. One of the most alarming indicators of the breakdown of Harvard's on-campus community was found to be the multiple accounts of social shunning that had emerged in the course of the investigation.
From these two credible investigations (among others that have been conducted) one can easily see that anti-Semitism on both US and UK campuses has not been overstated or even invented by the Jews themselves, but is a genuine and pervasive menace. Since both were commissioned or conducted by the relevant academic institutions themselves, Bloom would not even have the supposed excuse of rejecting them on the grounds of their having been sponsored by Jewish organisations. Why, then, does he persist in disregarding this body of evidence?
Regrettably, and in stark contrast to other South African university campuses, UCT has also reportedly witnessed a significant increase in anti-Semitic attacks. Contrary to the offensive strawman argument that Jews/Zionists seek to conflate all legitimate criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism, no mainstream Jewish leaders are in actuality seeking to shut down debate on this, or any other subject.
Robust but acceptable discourse
The problem rather is when what can be regarded as robust but acceptable discourse over issues that are well known to be highly emotive and bitterly contested goes beyond simply engaging in free speech to amount to intimidation, harassment, incitement to violence and racially charged hate speech. Those who wish to condemn Israel, even in extreme, exaggerated terms, have every right to do so. However, conveying intense hostility toward Jews who are connected to Israel in a way that violates their dignity, threatens their safety and deprives them of their right to express their own beliefs and opinions is another matter altogether, and indeed, must be regarded as anti-Semitic behaviour.
Particularly since October 7, but also before that, the SAJBD received regular reports of anti-Semitic attacks. These have included Jewish students being physically assaulted while praying on campus, slapped, having posters they were carrying ripped out of their hands and torn up, and those displaying outward manifestations of their Judaism being crassly insulted and not infrequently threatened. All these incidents have been brought to the notice of the university, with disciplinary action being taken against one of the perpetrators, but not to date against others.
There is another kind of harassment that is going on, more low level and not as egregious and in-your-face, but much more pervasive, and, from a psychological point of view, just as harmful. By way of example, a Jewish student at UCT reported sending a neutral question on a course WhatsApp group asking when their essays would be returned, to which another student replied: ' When Palestine is free', and to which several classmates responded with agreement, emojis, and affirmations. This was in a context that had nothing whatsoever to do with the Israel-Palestine issue, but was motivated solely by the student's being Jewish.
The anti-Israel boycott resolution adopted by the UCT Council last year has only legitimised this kind of 'othering', exacerbating hostility towards Jewish students on campus, emboldening those who use anti-Zionism as a smokescreen for anti-Semitism, and reinforcing the idea that Jewish students must disavow Israel to be accepted.
Bloom attempts to turn all of this on its head by holding anti-Zionist Jewish dissidents (like himself) to be victims of harassment and persecution by fellow Jews seeking to intimidate them into silence. This rather clumsy piece of misdirection quickly falls apart when considering the objective evidence of who is trying to censor who.
On the contrary, it is those who wish to identify as Zionist and express views supportive of that ideology and of the State of Israel who are being bullied, smeared, silenced and sidelined.
In a democratic society, this should not be allowed to happen anywhere. And that is especially true when it comes to universities, institutions whose fundamental purpose is to provide intellectual spaces where a full spectrum of opinions on the widest variety of topics can be safely expressed and civilly debated. DM
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Pro-Trump nationalist becomes Poland's new president
Pro-Trump nationalist becomes Poland's new president

Eyewitness News

time19 hours ago

  • Eyewitness News

Pro-Trump nationalist becomes Poland's new president

WARSAW - Poland's new nationalist president Karol Nawrocki called for a "sovereign Poland" and promised to "fight those who are pushing the nation towards decline" as he was sworn in on Wednesday. Nawrocki, 42, a supporter of US President Donald Trump, won a June 1 election in a major blow for the pro-EU government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk, a former European Council president. "I will be the voice of those who want a sovereign Poland that is in the EU, but a Poland that is not the EU," he told lawmakers after taking his oath of office. "We must fight those who are pushing the nation towards decline and degradation," he said, citing Ignacy Paderewski, a Polish prime minister from the early 20th century. Nawrocki, a historian and political novice, has branded Tusk's government the "worst" in the history of post-communist Poland. 'HE DOESN'T GROVEL' Outside the parliament, thousands of people came to show their support for Nawrocki. "He doesn't grovel before Brussels," Jan Smolinski, 75, a retired miner, told AFP, adding: "He's a true Pole, flesh and blood". Marietta Borcz, a 57-year-old dental assistant, said it was "important" to her that Nawrocki "is Catholic and will uphold Christian values". During the election campaign, Nawrocki ruled out easing Poland's near total abortion ban or allowing same-sex civil partnerships. A small group of around 20 protesters held up black roses, saying Nawrocki's inauguration was "a black day for Poland". Stanislawa Sklodowska, 72, a retired economist said his election "reflects poorly on us Poles". Nawrocki, who travelled to Washington to seek Trump's backing during the campaign, won a narrow victory against liberal candidate Rafal Trzaskowski. The result showed the high degree of political polarisation in the EU and NATO member state, a key supporter of neighbouring Ukraine. Presidents in Poland can initiate as well as veto legislation, and have some influence over the country's foreign and defence policies. 'ANNOY US' Relations between government and president are likely to be tense ahead of parliamentary elections planned for 2027. "I have no doubt that Mr Nawrocki will do everything to annoy us," said Tusk, who warned that he would not let Nawrocki "demolish" his government. But in a message on social media on Wednesday, Tusk said he had already worked with three presidents in the past. "What will it be like with the fourth? We'll manage," he wrote. Nawrocki has promised to be "an active president" from the start and has said he wants to "stimulate" the government with various bills. The government holds a parliamentary majority and analysts say the two sides may be forced to make some compromises. "Both parties should realise that engaging in intense confrontation is obviously not the way forward," said Piotr Trudnowski, a member of Klub Jagiellonski, a Christian-Democrat think tank. 'POLAND FIRST, POLES FIRST' Ewa Marciniak, a political scientist at the University of Warsaw, said that Nawrocki would have to work with the government on foreign policy -- in which he has "no experience". During the election campaign, he highlighted the importance of ties with the United States and his close ties with Trump. "It is precisely from this that he will build his foreign policy, at least initially," Marciniak said. One major difference could be relations with Ukraine. Trudnowski said Nawrocki would "not be as enthusiastic" as his predecessor Andrzej Duda on Ukraine. During his campaign, Nawrocki opposed the idea of NATO membership for Ukraine and criticised Kyiv for not having "shown gratitude for what the Poles have done". Under his slogan "Poland First, Poles First", he was critical of some of the benefits received by the more than one million Ukrainians who have fled to the country. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has congratulated Nawrocki and emphasised the importance of close ties with Poland -- a vital transit country for military and humanitarian supplies to his country as it fights off Russia's invasion. After speaking to Nawrocki by phone last week, Zelensky said the two had agreed to visit each other and seek forms of cooperation "that will bring real results for both our countries and our people". Zelensky said he was "thankful for the readiness to work together and for the assurance of continued support for Ukraine".

Targeting BRICS Through South Africa: H. R. 2633 as Washington's Neocolonial Weapon
Targeting BRICS Through South Africa: H. R. 2633 as Washington's Neocolonial Weapon

IOL News

time20 hours ago

  • IOL News

Targeting BRICS Through South Africa: H. R. 2633 as Washington's Neocolonial Weapon

H.R. 2633, introduced by pro-Israel Republicans, threatens South Africa's sovereignty under the guise of protecting US interests. This proposed law aims to punish South Africa for its foreign policy choices, particularly its ties with BRICS and solidarity with Palestine. Image: The White House In a move saturated with Cold War paranoia and neocolonial ambition, the United States Congress has introduced H.R. 2633. The US-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act of 2025 is a proposed law, tabled by pro-Israel Republicans and neoconservative hawks. It demands a review of South Africa's foreign policy alignments and opens the door to potential sanctions. It presents itself as a defence of US national interests. In reality, it formalises the soft coup long engineered through think tanks, donor-controlled civil society, and ideological capture. This bill aims to punish South Africa for exercising sovereign foreign policy. It targets the country's engagement with BRICS, its solidarity with Palestine, and its economic partnerships with China and Russia. The language of the bill is couched in concern for democracy, transparency, and global security. Beneath the euphemisms lies a clear threat. Submit to US hegemony or face economic, political and diplomatic consequences. The legislation condemns South Africa for hosting Hamas leadership, criticising Israel's ongoing war on Gaza, participating in naval exercises with Russia, and collaborating with Chinese educational and infrastructure institutions. It also denounces symbolic acts of solidarity, such as the proposed renaming of a Johannesburg street to Leila Khaled Drive. These actions are portrayed as evidence of extremism and a threat to US national security. But none of them breach international law. All fall within South Africa's sovereign right to choose its own diplomatic and ideological path. The framing of these engagements as hostile or unlawful exposes the imperial mindset. The bill does not engage diplomacy. It attempts to control it. It insists that any relationship not sanctioned by Washington is a betrayal. In this worldview, sovereignty becomes criminal when it steps outside the coordinates of US foreign policy. H.R. 2633 also rehashes long-standing tropes of African dysfunction. South Africa's domestic crises, such as energy instability, logistical failures, and public health breakdowns, are mobilised not to offer support but to justify external management. It portrays the country as a failing state, incapable of self-governance. This is the same colonial playbook repackaged for a new era. Pathologise the state, delegitimise the ruling party, and prepare the ideological ground for intervention. The bill proposes the use of Global Magnitsky sanctions against ANC officials. It instructs the US president to compile a list of individuals for punitive action. The objective is not justice. It is regime reengineering. It is a calculated effort to undermine the ANC, isolate South Africa internationally, and signal to other BRICS-aligned states that deviation from the Western order will be met with force. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading The ANC, once valorised by the US political establishment during the anti-apartheid era, is now rebranded as extremist. This transformation is not accidental. It follows a familiar trajectory. Movements are embraced only when they conform to neoliberal doctrine. The moment they depart from Washington's orbit, whether through ties to BRICS, calls for land redistribution, or critiques of Israeli settler colonialism, they are recast as dangerous and illegitimate. Even symbolic resistance is now treated as a provocation. That a US congressional bill concerns itself with the printing of Leila Khaled's name on letterheads demonstrates the ideological insecurity gripping the American political class. South African solidarity with Palestine is not only opposed. It is pathologised. What this bill makes clear is that the US is not simply targeting geopolitical alliances. It is targeting African memory, epistemology, and revolutionary thought. It seeks to erase the intellectual and historical ties that link South Africa's liberation movement with other global struggles against colonialism and imperialism. This is the ideological arm of neocolonialism. It disrupts memory, silences solidarity, and rewrites the terms of acceptable political consciousness. H.R. 2633 signals a shift from covert containment to legislative assault. US influence in South Africa has long operated through soft power channels, including donor-funded NGOs, embedded journalists, intelligence-linked think tanks, and academic institutions aligned with Western interests. These mechanisms have shaped narratives, stifled dissent, and disciplined political discourse. The bill is a declaration that the containment strategy has evolved into open confrontation. This transformation is not incidental. It arrives amid a resurgent Trumpist influence in US politics, where empire is no longer masked by liberalism. Whether under Biden or Trump, the posture remains the same. The Global South must be disciplined or destroyed. This is not about diplomacy. It is about dominance. South Africa now faces a decision. It can continue appeasing external interests and die as a weakened structure devoid of purpose. Or it can reject US interference and reclaim its revolutionary inheritance. This means withdrawing from agreements that entrench dependency. It means dismantling the ecosystem of donor-funded organisations that function as internal colonial managers. It means removing foreign influence from media, academia, and civil society. It means refusing ideological tutelage and reasserting sovereignty across all domains. The choice is not theoretical. Other African nations have made it. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have expelled French and US military forces, nationalised key sectors, and begun reimagining governance beyond the framework imposed by the West. These are not perfect models. They demonstrate that the process of emancipation is not only necessary. It is possible. South Africa must take that step. It must align fully with the Global South and deepen strategic partnerships with BRICS+. This is not simply about economics. It is about consciousness. It is about building an international order that respects the dignity, autonomy, and history of African peoples. The ANC's role in this moment is critical. It can return to its roots as a liberation movement with a global vision. Or it can allow itself to be used as a manager of Western interests. It cannot do both. H.R. 2633 is not just an insult. It is a blueprint for recolonisation. It treats African independence as a threat and African resistance as a crime. It offers South Africa a binary. Obedience or punishment. But Africa has never been defined by binaries imposed from the outside. There is another path. Revolutionary refusal. A future authored by Africans, in conversation with allies across the Global South, free from the moralism and control of a fading empire. The bill marks the end of diplomatic pretence. Now is the time to kick out the puppeteer and walk boldly into a multipolar world. H.R. 2633, introduced by pro-Israel Republicans, threatens South Africa's sovereignty under the guise of protecting US interests. This proposed law aims to punish South Africa for its foreign policy choices, particularly its ties with BRICS and solidarity with Palestine. Image: IOL

Netanyahu says Israel must complete defeat of Hamas to free hostages
Netanyahu says Israel must complete defeat of Hamas to free hostages

Eyewitness News

timea day ago

  • Eyewitness News

Netanyahu says Israel must complete defeat of Hamas to free hostages

JERUSALEM - Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Tuesday that Israel must "complete" the defeat of Hamas in Gaza to secure the release of the remaining hostages, days ahead of a cabinet meeting to discuss an updated war plan. Recent footage of weak and emaciated captives has sparked outrage in Israel, while UN experts also warn of an unfolding famine for Palestinians in Gaza. Israeli media have said the premier is considering ordering the total occupation of Gaza, even as international pressure mounts for him to end the war, with a senior UN official warning Tuesday that expanding the fighting risked "catastrophic consequences". "It is necessary to complete the defeat of the enemy in Gaza, to free all our hostages and to ensure that Gaza will no longer pose a threat to Israel," Netanyahu said during a visit to an army training facility. His office later said he had held a three-hour "security discussion" with army chief Eyal Zamir, but did not disclose any new war plans. The premier's office has said the security cabinet will convene later in the week to approve new instructions. Citing cabinet members, public broadcaster Kan said Netanyahu had "decided to extend the fight to areas where hostages might be held". But some major media outlets such as Channel 12 have suggested that the rumoured expansion of operations might only be a negotiating tactic. While the reported plan has not been approved, it has already drawn angry reactions from the Palestinian Authority and Gaza's Hamas-run government. Hamas insisted such a move would not shift its position in ceasefire talks, demanding the withdrawal of all forces from Gaza. "The ball is in the hands of... (Israel) and the Americans," senior Hamas official Hossam Badran told AFP, adding that the militant group wanted to "end the war and the famine". UN assistant secretary-general Miroslav Jenca told the Security Council on Tuesday that a widening of the war "would risk catastrophic consequences for millions of Palestinians and could further endanger the lives of the remaining hostages". Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar was also in New York attending a Security Council meeting on the plight of the hostages. US President Donald Trump on Tuesday expressed disgust over the videos released by Hamas, one of which showed an emaciated Israeli hostage purportedly digging his own grave. "I hope a lot of people do get to see it, as bad as it is, because I think it's a horrible thing," Trump told reporters. 'AGREEMENT MUST BE REACHED' Over the war's 22 months, Israeli forces have devastated large parts of the Gaza Strip, where a humanitarian crisis has taken hold. The war was sparked by Hamas's 7 October 2023 attack, which resulted in the deaths of 1,219 people, mostly civilians, according to a tally based on official figures. Palestinian militants also seized 251 hostages, 49 of whom remain held in Gaza including 27 the Israeli military says are dead. The Israeli offensive has killed at least 61,020 Palestinians, according to the Gaza health ministry. Netanyahu has faced growing pressure on several fronts. Domestically, families of hostages are demanding a ceasefire to bring their loved ones home. And around the world, there are increasing calls for a truce to allow food into a starving Gaza. The International Committee of the Red Cross on Tuesday said it was "ready to bring in medicine, food and family news for the hostages in Gaza", and to "scale up the delivery of life-saving aid safely to civilians". But "to do this, an agreement must be reached between Israel and Hamas." Meanwhile, Netanyahu's far-right coalition partners demand to keep fighting and reoccupy Gaza for the long haul, after Israel withdrew settlers and troops stationed there two decades ago. AID 'EXPLOITED' Israel imposed a total blockade on Gaza in early March, which it only began easing more than two months later to allow a US-backed private agency, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), to open food distribution centres. United Nations special rapporteurs called on Tuesday for the GHF to be immediately dismantled, saying aid was being "exploited for covert military and geopolitical agendas". COGAT, the Israeli defence ministry body overseeing civil affairs in the Palestinian territories, said it would partially reopen private sector trade with Gaza to reduce its reliance on aid deliveries. On the ground in Gaza, the civil defence agency said Israeli forces killed at least 56 Palestinians who were waiting near aid distribution sites on Tuesday. The Israeli military told AFP troops had "fired warning shots" in the direction "a gathering of Gazans advancing" towards them near one of those sites, in the territory's south, but that it was "not aware of any casualties". In northern Gaza, where the civil defence said 20 people were killed not far from an aid crossing, an AFP journalist saw bodies brought to Hamad Hospital. The army told AFP it was looking into the report.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store