Contact restored with aid ship bound for Gaza
"The connection has now been restored. The Handala is continuing its mission and is currently less than 349 nautical miles from Gaza [560 km,]" the organization wrote at around 11:45 p.m. GMT Thursday on its Telegram account.
Communications had been interrupted "for about two hours," and "drones were observed near the boat, which raised serious concerns about a possible attack."
The boat left the port of Syracuse, Sicily, about ten days ago, with around fifteen activists on board.
This former Norwegian trawler, loaded with medical supplies, food, children's equipment and medicines, had also taken on board two lawmakers from La France Insoumise (LFI), Gabrielle Cathala and Emma Fourreau.
This initiative comes about two months after the departure of the Madleen, another ship that left Italy on June 1 to "break the Israeli blockade" of Gaza.
The sailboat then had on board 12 activists, including environmental activist Greta Thunberg and LFI MEP Rima Hassan, who was detained for three days after the boat was intercepted, about 185 kilometers west of the Gaza coast.
Israel, whose offensive began the day after the Palestinian Islamist movement Hamas attacked on Oct. 7, 2023, imposed a humanitarian blockade on the Palestinian territory in early March.
This blockade led to very severe shortages of food, medicine, and other essential goods, and has only been partially eased.
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Nahar Net
15 hours ago
- Nahar Net
Gaza aid truck drivers face increasing danger from desperate crowds and armed gangs
by Naharnet Newsdesk 06 August 2025, 17:51 Truck drivers trying to deliver aid inside Gaza say their work has become increasingly dangerous in recent months as people have grown desperately hungry and violent gangs have filled a power vacuum left by the territory's Hamas rulers. Crowds of hungry people routinely rip aid off the backs of moving trucks, the local drivers said. Some trucks are hijacked by armed men working for gangs who sell the aid in Gaza's markets for exorbitant prices. Israeli troops often shoot into the chaos, they said. Drivers have been killed in the mayhem. Since March, when Israel ended a ceasefire in its war with Hamas and halted all imports, the situation has grown increasingly dire in the territory of some 2 million Palestinians. International experts are now warning of a "worst-case scenario of famine" in Gaza. Under heavy international pressure, Israel last week announced measures to let more aid into Gaza. Though aid groups say it's still not enough, getting even that amount from the border crossings to the people who need it is difficult and extremely dangerous, the drivers said. Driving aid trucks can be deadly Thousands of people packed around the road Monday as two trucks entered southern Gaza, AP video showed. Young men overwhelmed the trucks, standing on the cabs' roofs, dangling from the sides and clambering over each other onto the truck beds to grab boxes even as the trucks slowly kept driving. "Some of my drivers are scared to go transfer aid because they're concerned about how they'll untangle themselves from large crowds of people," said Abu Khaled Selim, vice president of the Special Transport Association, a nonprofit group that works with private transportation companies across the Gaza Strip and advocates for truck drivers' rights. Selim said his nephew, Ashraf Selim, a father of eight, was killed July 29 by a stray bullet when Israeli forces opened fire on crowds climbing onto the aid truck he was driving. Shifa Hospital officials said they received his body with an apparent gunshot to the head. The Israeli military said it was unaware of the incident and that "as a rule" it does not carry out deliberate attacks on aid trucks. Earlier in the war, aid deliveries were safer because, with more food getting into Gaza, the population was less desperate. Hamas-run police had been seen securing convoys and went after suspected looters and merchants who resold aid at exorbitant prices, Now, "with the situation unsecured, everything is permissible," said Selim, who appealed for protection so the aid trucks could reach warehouses. The U.N. does not accept protection from Israeli forces, saying it would violate its rules of neutrality, and said that given the urgent need for aid it would accept that hungry people were going to grab food off the back of the trucks as long as they weren't violent. Flooding Gaza with renewed aid would ease the desperation and make things safer for the drivers, said Juliette Touma, communications director at UNRWA, the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees. The danger for drivers is growing Ali al-Derbashi, 22, was an aid truck driver for more than a year and a half, but he quit after his last trip three weeks ago because of the increasing danger, he said. Some people taking aid off the trucks are now carrying cleavers, knives and axes, he said. He was once ambushed and forcibly redirected to an area designated by Israel as a conflict zone in its war against Hamas. There everything was stolen, including his truck's fuel and batteries, and his tires were shot out, he said. He was beaten and his phone was stolen. "We put our lives in danger for this. We leave our families for two or three days every time. And we don't even have water or food ourselves," he said. In addition to the danger, the drivers faced humiliation from Israeli forces, he said, who put them through "prolonged searches, unclear instructions, and hours of waiting." The war began Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-led militants killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducted 251 others. Israel's retaliatory offensive has killed more than 61,000 Palestinians, according to the latest figures by Gaza's Health Ministry, which doesn't distinguish between militants and civilians and operates under the Hamas government. The threats come from everywhere Nahed Sheheibr, head of the Special Transport Association, said the danger for the drivers comes from everywhere. He accused Israel of detaining drivers and using them as human shields. The Israeli military did not comment on the accusation. In recent days, men linked to a violent Gaza clan fired at drivers, injuring one, and looted a convoy of 14 trucks, he said. They later looted a convoy of 10 trucks. Hossni al-Sharafi, who runs a trucking company and was an aid driver himself, said he is only allowed to use drivers who have no political affiliation and have been approved by Israel to transport aid from crossings. Al-Sharafi said he was detained by Israeli forces for more than 10 days last year while transporting aid from the southern Kerem Shalom crossing and interrogated about where the truck was headed and how the aid was being distributed. Israeli officials did not comment on the accusations. Some drivers spoke of being shot at repeatedly by armed gangs. Others said their trucks were routinely picked clean — even of the wooden pallets— by waves of desperate people, many of whom were fighting each other for the food, while Israeli troops were shooting. Hungry families who miss out on the aid throw stones at the trucks in anger. Anas Rabea said the moment he pulled out of the Zikkim crossing last week his aid truck was overwhelmed by a crowd. "Our instructions are to stop, because we don't want to run anyone over," he said. "It's crazy. You have people climbing all over the cargo, over the windows. It's like you're blind, you can't see out." After the crowd had stripped everything, he drove another few hundred meters and was stopped by an armed gang that threatened to shoot him. They searched the truck and took a bag of flour he had saved for himself, he said. "Every time we go out, we get robbed," he said. "It's getting worse day by day."
Nahar Net
15 hours ago
- Nahar Net
Survivors of Israel's pager attack on Hezbollah last year struggle to recover
by Naharnet Newsdesk 06 August 2025, 17:00 Her head heavy with a cold, Sarah Jaffal woke up late and shuffled into the kitchen. The silence of the apartment was pierced by the unfamiliar buzzing of a pager lying near a table. Annoyed but curious, the 21-year-old picked up the device belonging to a family member. She saw a message: "Error," then "Press OK." Jaffal didn't have time to respond. She didn't even hear the explosion. "Suddenly everything went dark," she said. "I felt I was in a whirlpool." She was in and out of consciousness for hours, blood streaming from her mouth, excruciating pain in her fingertips. At that moment on Sept. 17, 2024, thousands of pagers distributed to the Hezbollah group were blowing up in homes, offices, shops and on frontlines across Lebanon, remotely detonated by Israel. Hezbollah had been firing rockets into Israel almost daily for nearly a year in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza. After years of planning, Israel had infiltrated the supply chain of Hezbollah, the most powerful of Iran's armed proxies in the Middle East. It used shell companies to sell the rigged devices to commercial associates of Hezbollah in an operation aimed at disrupting the Iran-backed group's communication networks and harming and disorienting its members. The pager attack was stunning in its scope. It wounded more than 3,000 people and killed 12, including two children. Israel boasts of it as a show of its technological and intelligence prowess. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently presented U.S. President Donald Trump with a golden pager as a gift. Human rights and United Nations reports, however, say the attack may have violated international law, calling it indiscriminate. Hezbollah, also a major Shiite political party with a wide network of social institutions, has acknowledged that most of those wounded and killed were its fighters or personnel. The simultaneous explosions in populated areas, however, also wounded many civilians like Jaffal, who was one of four women along with 71 men who received medical treatment in Iran. Hezbollah won't say how many civilians were hurt, but says most were relatives of the group's personnel or workers in Hezbollah-linked institutions, including hospitals. Ten months later, survivors are on a slow, painful path to recovery. They are easily identifiable, with missing eyes, faces laced with scars, hands with missing fingers — signs of the moment when they checked the buzzing devices. The scars also mark them as a likely Hezbollah member or a dependent. Rare interviews For weeks after the attack, The Associated Press attempted to reach survivors, who stayed out of the public eye. Many spent weeks outside Lebanon for medical treatment. Most in the group's tight-knit community remained quiet while Hezbollah investigated the massive security breach. The AP also contacted Hezbollah and its association treating those affected by the attacks to see if they could facilitate contacts. The group, at war with Israel for decades, is also one of the most powerful political factions in Lebanon, with members holding nearly 10% of parliament seats and two ministerial posts. It has its own security apparatus and offers extensive health, religious and other social and commercial services in southern and eastern Lebanon and parts of Beirut. A representative of Hezbollah's Association of Wounded did share with AP the contacts of eight people who had expressed readiness to share their stories. The AP independently contacted them, and six agreed to be interviewed. They included Jaffal and another woman, two 12-year-old children and two men, one a preacher, the other a fighter. All are family members of Hezbollah officials or fighters. All lost fingers. Shrapnel lodged under their skin. The men were blinded. The women and children each lost one eye, with the other damaged. There were no minders present, and no questions were off-limits. Some declined to answer questions about the identity or role of the pager's owner, identifying them only as relatives. The hours of interviews offered a rare glimpse into the attack's human toll. Survivors described how the incessantly buzzing pagers exploded when picked up, whether they pressed a button or not. Some said their ears still ring from the blast. "I've put up with so much pain I never imagined I could tolerate," said Jaffal, a university graduate. The survivors expressed ongoing support for Hezbollah but acknowledged the security breach. They blamed Israel for their wounds. Rights groups have argued the attack was indiscriminate because the pagers detonated in populated areas, and it was nearly impossible to know who was holding the devices or where they were when they exploded. The preacher, Mustafa Choeib, recalled that his two young daughters used to play with his pager and he sometimes found it among their toys. Israel's Mossad spy agency declined to comment on AP questions about those allegations. But Israeli security officials have rejected that the attack was indiscriminate, saying the pagers were exclusively sold to Hezbollah members and that tests were conducted to ensure that only the person holding the pager would be harmed. A turning point for Hezbollah The pagers were the opening strike in an Israeli campaign that would cripple Hezbollah. The day after the pager bombings, Hezbollah walkie-talkies exploded in another Israeli attack that killed at least 25 people and injured over 600, according to Lebanon's health ministry. Israel then launched a campaign of airstrikes that killed Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and hundreds of other militants and civilians. The war ended with a ceasefire in November. Nine months later, Israel stunned and weakened Iran with a campaign of airstrikes that targeted Iranian nuclear sites, senior military officials and symbols of the Islamic Republic's grip. Hezbollah, meanwhile, has been left reeling. Besides the military blow, the group is left with the financial and psychological burden of thousands who need long-term medical treatment and recovery. Pagers are widely seen as outdated, but they were a main part of Hezbollah's communication network. Nasrallah had repeatedly warned against cellphones. Israel could easily track them, he said. With old pagers breaking down, the group ordered new ones. Israel sold the rigged devices through shell companies. According to a Hezbollah official, the group had ordered 15,000 pagers. Only 8,000 arrived, and nearly half were distributed to members. Others destined for Lebanon were intercepted in Turkey days after the attack when Hezbollah tipped off officials there. Hezbollah's investigation into how its communications networks were infiltrated found that the purchase of the rigged pagers resulted from negligence, and its officials were cleared of suspicions of collaborating with Israel, the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the probe. Some Hezbollah members had complained the new pagers were too bulky. Some didn't use them because batteries died quickly or heated up. Hospitals were like a 'slaughterhouse' The simultaneous explosions spread chaos and panic in Lebanon. Hospitals were overwhelmed. It was like a "slaughterhouse," Zeinab Mestrah said. Until she reached a hospital, Mestrah thought an explosion in an electricity cable had blinded her, not the pager of a relative, a Hezbollah member. "People didn't recognize each other. Families were shouting out their relatives' names to identify them," she recalled from her home in Beirut. Doctors mainly stopped her bleeding. Five days later, the 26-year-old interior decorator and event planner traveled to Iran for treatment. Her right eye was saved, with shrapnel removed. The first thing she saw after 10 days of darkness was her mother. She also lost the tips of three fingers on her right hand. Her ears still ring today. Mestrah said her recovery has delayed plans to find a new career. She realizes she cannot resume her old one. The next thing she looks forward to is her wedding, to her fiance of eight years. "He is half my recovery," she said. The representative of Hezbollah's Association of Wounded said none of those injured has fully recovered. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to address the media. A Hezbollah fighter struck Mahdi Sheri, a 23-year-old Hezbollah fighter, had been ordered back to the frontline on the day of the attack. Before leaving, he charged his pager and spent time with family. For his security, no mobile phones were allowed in the house while he was there. There were many drones in the sky that day. His pager usually vibrated. This time, it beeped. He approached to check for Hezbollah warnings or directives. He saw the message: "Error," then "Press OK." He followed the prompt. He felt a sharp pain in his head and eyes. His bed was covered in blood. Thinking he had been hit by a drone, he stumbled outside and passed out. He was first treated in Syria, then in Iraq as hospitals in Lebanon struggled to handle the high number of patients. Shrapnel was removed from his left eye socket and he had a prosthetic eye installed. For a while, he could see shadows with his remaining eye. With time, that dimmed. He can no longer play football. Hezbollah is helping him find a new job. Sheri realizes it's impossible now to find a role alongside Hezbollah fighters. He asked his fiancée if she wanted to move on. She refused. They married during a video call while he was in Iraq, a month after his injury. "Nothing stood in our way," Sheri said. He moves between southern Lebanon and Beirut's southern suburbs, where his wife lives and studies to be a nurse. The community is shaken. Some children fear coming near their fathers, he said. "It not only affects us but also those around us." A boy with a face full of scars In southern Lebanon, 12-year-old Hussein Dheini picked up the pager that belonged to his father, a Hezbollah member. The explosion cost the boy his right eye and damaged his left. It blew off the tips of two fingers on his right hand. On his left hand, the pinky and middle finger remain. His teeth were blown out. His grandmother picked them off the couch, along with the tip of his nose. "It was a nightmare," said his mother, Faten Haidar. The boy, a member of Hezbollah scouts, the group's youth movement, had been talented at reciting the Quran. Now he struggles to pace his breathing. He can read with one eye but is quickly exhausted. The family has moved to a ground-floor apartment so he climbs fewer stairs. He wears glasses now. Pink scars crisscross his face and his reconstructed nose. He spends more time with other children injured like him, and only goes to school for exams. Dheini can't go swimming with his father, since sea or river water could harm his wounds. "Before, I used to spend a lot of time on my phone. I used to run and go to school," the boy said. "Now I go to Beirut" for treatment. Impatience to rebuild a life Jaffal has had 45 surgeries in nine months. More will come, including reconstructive surgery on her face and fingers. Two fingers are fused. Four are missing. She is waiting for a prosthetic right eye. Further surgeries on her left one have been delayed. She can recognize people and places she knows, though she relies more on memory than vision. The loss of sensation in her fingertips is disorienting. The nerve pain elsewhere is sharp. Weekly physiotherapy reminds her of how much is still ahead. The driven, inquisitive woman leans on her faith to summon patience. "God only burdens us with what we can bear," she said. She has spoken in religious gatherings at Hezbollah's invitation about her recovery and resilience. Her biggest fear is becoming dependent. An information technology graduate, she used to produce videos of family celebrations and events — a career she wanted to explore. Now she watches videos on her phone, though they are blurry. She giggles to ease the discomfort, and enjoys taking the lead when meeting with fellow victims because she can see better than most. "I forget my wounds when I see another wounded," she said.
Nahar Net
20 hours ago
- Nahar Net
What to know as Israel considers reoccupying Gaza in major escalation
by Naharnet Newsdesk 06 August 2025, 12:08 Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is considering ordering the full reoccupation of the Gaza Strip, according to Israeli media, a move that would draw fierce opposition internationally and within Israel. It would mark a stunning escalation of the nearly 22-month war in the territory that has already been largely destroyed and where experts say famine is unfolding. It would put the lives of countless Palestinians and about 20 living hostages at risk, and deepen Israel's already stark international isolation. It would also face fierce opposition within Israel: Families of the hostages would consider it a virtual death sentence, and much of the security establishment is also reportedly opposed to an open-ended occupation that would bog down and further strain the army after nearly two years of regional wars. The threat to reoccupy Gaza could be a negotiating tactic aimed at pressuring Hamas after talks mediated by the United States, Egypt and Qatar appeared to have broken down last month. Or it could be aimed at shoring up support from Netanyahu's far-right coalition partners. His governing allies have long called for escalating the war, taking over Gaza, relocating much of its population through what they refer to as voluntary emigration and reestablishing Jewish settlements that were dismantled when Israel withdrew in 2005. Whether they prevail will likely depend on the one person with leverage over Israel — U.S. President Donald Trump. Asked Tuesday whether he thought Israel should reoccupy Gaza, he said he wasn't aware of the "suggestion" but that "it's going to be pretty much up to Israel." Ground operations in the most densely populated areas To take full control of Gaza, Israel would need to launch ground operations in the last areas of the territory that haven't been flattened and where most of Gaza's 2 million Palestinians have sought refuge. That would mean going into the central city of Deir al-Balah and Muwasi, a so-called humanitarian zone where hundreds of thousands of people live in squalid tent camps along the coast. Such operations would force another wave of mass displacement and further disrupt aid deliveries as the U.N. agencies and humanitarian organizations are already struggling to avert famine. Israel already controls around 75% of the territory, which has been declared a buffer zone or placed under evacuation orders. With Israel also largely sealing Gaza's borders, it's unclear where civilians would go. It would also pose a major risk for the remaining 20 or so living hostages, likely held in tunnels or other secret locations. Hamas is believed to have ordered its guards to kill captives if Israeli forces approach. Hamas-led militants abducted 251 hostages in the Oct. 7, 2023, attack that ignited the war and killed around 1,200 people that day, mostly civilians. They are still holding 50 hostages, less than half of them believed to be alive, and recent videos have shown emaciated captives pleading for their lives. Israel's retaliatory offensive has killed over 61,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza's Health Ministry, which does not say how many were civilians or combatants. The ministry, which is part of the Hamas-run government and run by medical professionals, is seen by the United Nations and other experts as the most reliable source on casualties. Israel disputes its toll but has not provided its own. International outrage and further isolation Israel's wartime conduct has shocked much of the international community, and prompted even close Western allies to call for an end to the war and to take steps to recognize Palestinian statehood. The International Court of Justice is considering allegations of genocide, and the International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and his former defense minister, alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity, including the use of starvation as a method of war. Israel has rejected the allegations and accused those making them of antisemitic "blood libel." It says it has taken every effort to avoid harming civilians and blames Hamas for their deaths because the militants are deeply entrenched in heavily populated areas. Israel has said it will keep fighting until all the hostages are returned, Hamas is defeated or disarmed, and Gaza's population is given the option of "voluntary emigration," which the Palestinians and much of the international community view as forcible expulsion. Hamas has said it will only release the remaining hostages in return for a lasting ceasefire and an Israeli withdrawal. It says it is willing to give up power but will not lay down its arms as long as Israel occupies territories the Palestinians want for a future state. Another open-ended occupation Israel captured Gaza, the West Bank and east Jerusalem in the 1967 Middle East war. The United Nations, the Palestinians and others continued to view Gaza as occupied territory after the 2005 withdrawal of Israeli troops and settlers, as Israel maintained control of its airspace, coastline, most of its land border and its population registry. The full reoccupation of Gaza would pose long-term challenges that Israel is well aware of given its long history of occupying Arab lands, including the likelihood of a prolonged insurgency. Israeli support for the war already appears to have declined since Netanyahu ended a ceasefire in March, as soldiers have been killed in hit-and-run attacks. As an occupying power, Israel would be expected to maintain order and ensure the basic needs of the population are met. In the West Bank, it has largely outsourced that to the Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited autonomy in population centers. But in Gaza, Netanyahu has ruled out any future role for the PA, accusing it of not being fully committed to peace, and has not produced any plan for Gaza's postwar governance and reconstruction. Long-term repercussions Even if Israel succeeds in suppressing Hamas, the reoccupation of Gaza could pose an even more profound threat to the country. It would leave Israel in full control of the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, which is home to around 7 million Jews and 7 million Palestinians — most of the latter denied basic rights, including the vote. Even before the war, major human rights groups said the situation amounted to apartheid, something Israel vehemently denies. Unless large numbers of Palestinians are expelled — no longer merely a fantasy of Israel's far-right — Israel would face an all-too-familiar existential dilemma: Create a Palestinian state in the 1967 territories and preserve Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, or rule over millions of Palestinians indefinitely and hope they never rally behind the idea of equal rights in a binational state. Israel would no longer be able to point to Hamas' rule in Gaza, or factional divisions among Palestinians, as reasons to avoid such a reckoning. And when Trump leaves office, it may find it has few friends to back it up.
