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Can higher bail be used to stop deportation? Mass. high court weighs man's rape case

Can higher bail be used to stop deportation? Mass. high court weighs man's rape case

Yahoo07-05-2025

A Haitian migrant charged with raping a teenage girl at a Massachusetts family shelter wants to be released from custody after a judge set his bail at $150,000 last fall.
The state's Supreme Judicial Court heard arguments Wednesday morning about a Plymouth County judge's decision to increase the man's original $500 bail to prevent his deportation and allow the case to proceed.
Prosecutors asked for 26-year-old Cory Alvarez's bail to be set at $1 million after federal immigration authorities sought to deport him in October, before a judge set it at $150,000.
Alvarez is charged with raping a teenage girl at a Comfort Inn in Rockland and his deportation was set for Oct. 31 before a state judge intervened. The hotel where Alvarez lived was part of the state's shelter program for homeless families, Plymouth County District Attorney Timothy Cruz's Office previously said.
Federal immigration authorities have an agreement with Cruz's office not to detain Alvarez as long as he remains in state custody, according to John Zanini, a lawyer for the district attorney's office, at Wednesday's hearing.
'The United States government could go pick up Mr. Alvarez, take him into custody and remove him any time they want and they have not,' Zanini said. 'They have not because they are respecting right now our custody so that we can proceed with our trial.'
Alvarez appeared before an immigration judge last year, and based on his 'admissions and concessions,' was found removable, according to Zanini. Alvarez did not appeal the decision and used it 'as a tool to escape prosecution,' Zanini wrote in a court filing.
Zanini added that the judge considered Alvarez's lack of community connections, lack of work history, the nature of the case, the potential penalty and the strength of the prosecution's case when setting the $150,000 bail.
A misuse of bail laws?
Alvarez's attorney, Brian Kelley, argued that the state's bail law has a 'glaring omission' when it comes to considering immigration issues such as deportations.
Legislators didn't write the bail laws to consider the deportation issue, Kelley said.
Bail increases are usually for defendants who violate conditions of their release, and high bail amounts are typically set for people who are considered flight risks, Kelley said.
'What bothers me about this case is that it's completely out of [Alvarez's] hands,' Kelley said.
'If allowed to be the rule, immigrant-defendants who face a possibility of being deported will [be] unfairly subjected to higher (or held without) bail to prevent them being deported through no fault of their own,' Kelley wrote in a filing. 'If allowed to stand, the Court's decision would create a wholly different standard of bail for immigrants, which has not been established before.'
Judge Scott Kafker asked whether the state and the victim's 'interest in justice being done' is a factor.
'I can't say it's not a factor,' Kelley responded, but suggested that, if Alvarez was released and detained by the federal government, immigration authorities could guarantee his appearance in court.
The Supreme Judicial Court judges did not issue a ruling Wednesday.
Alvarez's history
Alvarez is in the United States as part of the Biden administration's Humanitarian Parole Program for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans, according to prosecutors.
On the night of March 13, police went to the Comfort Inn in Rockland at 850 Hingham St. after hotel staff reported a girl said she had been raped, Rockland Police Det. Sgt. Greg Pigeon testified in Hingham District Court during Alvarez's dangerousness hearing in March.
Rockland police took the girl to South Shore Hospital for treatment after arriving at the hotel.
Alvarez entered the country legally and had undergone two background checks, Kelley said at a prior court hearing, citing Gov. Maura Healey's office. It was not clear how long Alvarez had been living at the hotel and Kelley said he spent time in New York City before arriving in Massachusetts.
The girl and Alvarez had no pre-existing relationship before the incident, both prosecutors and Kelley previously confirmed.
What happens next
Prosecutors argued in favor of increasing Alvarez's bail to keep him in Massachusetts and face prosecution on his charges: aggravated rape of a child with 10 year age difference and rape of a child by force.
His deportation would have '(left) him unable to answer the accusations against him,' Cruz's office said in a statement. 'Such a scenario would halt the case indefinitely, preventing any resolution for both the alleged victim and the defendant.'
Judge Elaine Buckle found the prosecutor's arguments convincing in October. The district attorney's office quoted the judge as saying, 'The Commonwealth does have a case of strength. The court finds justice requires the increase in bail.'
Alvarez is scheduled to appear in Plymouth Superior Court on July 23.
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Newton judge contests her role after man evaded ICE capture at court
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Newton judge contests her role after man evaded ICE capture at court

A district court judge from Massachusetts appeared in a disciplinary hearing on Monday after a Dominican man eluded Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in her courthouse in 2018. Judge Shelley Joseph appeared for her hearing at 10 a.m. on Monday in the Suffolk County Courthouse, before the Commission for Judicial Conduct and a hearing officer appointed by the Supreme Judicial Court, attorney Denis McInerney. The hearing will determine whether she can remain a judge. She has been accused of helping Jose Medina-Perez, a man subject to an immigration detainer, avoid capture in April 2018 by allowing him to slip through the back door of the Newton District Courthouse where he was on trial. Medina-Perez had been charged with being a fugitive from justice based on a warrant issued in a case in Pennsylvania, and two misdemeanor counts of controlled substance violations. 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Anti-Gang Drone Attacks Won't Put Haiti Back Together Again
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In the first five months of 2025, a special police task force in Haiti, reportedly aided by private military contractors, has used small commercial drones armed with improvised explosives in dozens of attacks targeting the gangs that threaten to take over the country. Several hundred people have reportedly been killed in the drone strikes, though the police have yet to assassinate any of the top gang leaders, which is one of their stated intentions. Haitian gangs now control a large majority of the country, and a few weeks ago I wrote that absent a significant increase in material support for the country's government, they will win the battle against government forces 'within months if not weeks.' Can these explosive drone attacks change the course of the conflict enough to upend that analysis? Given how important drone warfare has become to military strategy, and how rapidly military strategists are adapting to those changes, the results in Haiti matter—not only for Haiti, but for every weak state struggling to fend off organized criminal groups and insurgencies that often outgun them. Throughout the 2010s, the U.S. government used armed drones to hit high-value terrorist targets throughout the Middle East and North Africa, writing the playbook for how great powers can use drone warfare to target small cells of enemies. The effort was disruptive to the leadership of terrorist organizations, but it required significant intelligence and expensive technology. It also came with high costs, causing high levels of civilian casualties and collateral damage that often undermined the broader effort. To get more in-depth news and expert analysis on global affairs from WPR, sign up for our free Daily Review newsletter. 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Colombian soldiers fought guerrillas. Now they're fighting for Mexican cartels
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Dangerous new hired guns have arrived on the battlefield of Mexico's cartel wars: Colombian mercenaries. Former combatants in Colombia's long-standing internal conflict are increasingly being lured to Mexico by criminal groups to train hitmen, build bombs and fight bloody turf battles. Eleven Colombians were arrested in Michoacán state last week in connection to a roadside bomb attack that killed eight members of Mexico's National Guard. Colombia's foreign ministry said all of the detained men had once been soldiers. Colombian President Gustavo Petro said on X that a cartel known as Los Reyes had "hired the Colombian mercenaries to confront the Mexican state.' The phenomenon highlights the growing intensity of Mexico's cartel warfare as well as the expanding role of Colombian combatants in conflicts globally. Recruited via private companies and even via TikTok, Colombians have fought in Sudan, Yemen and Ukraine. 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He thought he would be making a quick stopover in Mexico City when his contacts flew him there last year. But once he arrived, he and the nine other Colombians he had traveled with were driven to an isolated encampment in Jalisco state. Their phones and passports were confiscated, and they were told they were now part of a cartel. Freddy said he was forced to participate in torture and killings. He said he would be killed if he did not oblige: 'It's either your life or the life of the person in front of you.' Two other Colombian fighters recently active in Mexico described being lured there with the promise of good-paying jobs, according to video footage reviewed by The Times. Upon arrival, they claimed, they were ferried to cartel hot spots, handed guns and told to fight — and warned that their families would be harmed if they deserted. "They deceived me," said one man who said he was pledged $3,000 monthly as a security guard, but who instead was made to work for the Jalisco New Generation Cartel for roughly $300 a month. He said he provided weapons training for about 100 cartel soldiers, many of whom were under 18 and there against their will. "We were practically slaves," he said. "They tell you: 'Go fight, and whoever dies, dies.' They don't care about human life." The other man, a former Colombian police officer, said he worked as a medic alongside other international mercenaries from Venezuela and Guatemala. He said he had seen several Colombians die on the battlefield. Mexican authorities have known for years that cartels are employing foreign fighters. A Mexican military intelligence report from 2021 said the head of an armed cell working under a cartel leader known as El Abuelo — The Grandfather — employed 26 Colombian 'guerrilleros' to fight rivals from the Jalisco cartel. The report, made public by the hacktivist group Guacamaya, said a drug lord from another group had hired 10 Colombians, paying them a weekly salary of around $600. Derek Maltz, who stepped down last month as head of the Drug Enforcement Administration, said Colombian fighters have an obvious appeal. In addition to providing combat-seasoned muscle, the mercenaries operate in the role of player-coach, helping young cartel foot soldiers learn the art of war, Maltz said. Read more: Soldiers and civilians are dying as Mexican cartels embrace a terrifying new weapon: Land mines "They are wanted for their expertise with the use of IEDs — these guys are experts in these types of techniques. They are training all the gangster sicarios," Maltz said, using the Spanish term for hitmen. The group headed by El Abuelo — whose real name is Juan José Farías Álvarez — is based in the western state of Michoacán, which sprawls from heart of Mexico to the Pacific Coast. His gang was included on the Trump administration's list of cartels designated as foreign terrorist organizations earlier this year. The rebranding enables U.S. law enforcement to pursue harsher penalties, and could open the door to drone strikes or other U.S. military action in Mexico, a possibility Trump has repeatedly floated. Maltz said the U.S. has seen "significant progress" from Mexico on security under Trump, but argued the presence of foreign fighters trained in bomb-making strengthens the case for U.S. intervention. "If it comes down to it, the U.S. government should use all tools in the toolbox to neutralize them," Maltz said. "They need to feel pain like they've never felt before." The Jalisco cartel, one of the most powerful criminal groups in Mexico, was also included in Trump's terror designation and is known to have strong Colombian connections. Read more: Trump wants to attack drug cartels. How can Mexico respond if he does? The Mexican military recently released photos that indicate that some Colombians working for the cartels have fought in wars the world over. One showed camouflage fatigues worn by a Colombian fighter festooned with patches that include the flag of Ukraine. Another showed a military-style beret with a logo referring to a Jalisco commander nicknamed "El Yogurt," reputed to lead an armed cell that includes Colombians. A narcocorrido ballad dedicated to El Yogurt boasts of his skills cooking methamphetamine ("In the kitchen, not a rival has been found…") and notes that he "has a support team, his friends never leave him behind." Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum said last week that her country is in talks with Colombia about how to stop the flow of mercenaries. "This is not the first time that people of this nationality have been arrested," she said Thursday after the arrests of the 11 Colombians. The issue is a sensitive one in Colombia, where the participation of Colombians in high-profile crimes has been the source of national shame. President Petro is pushing a bill that would require Colombia to sign on to a United Nations convention against the recruitment, financing and training of mercenaries. Some veterans say it is discriminatory. Ricardo Rodríguez, who worked as a security contractor in the United Arab Emirates after leaving the Colombian military, said in an interview that veterans should be able to take their skills elsewhere. What former soldiers need, he said, is more support from the Colombian government. "They're stuck. They don't have any hope of getting ahead," he said, adding that the nation's veterans will continue to look elsewhere for work "until the Colombian government gives them the opportunity to improve their lives." After eight months, Freddy escaped the cartel. Because he lacked identity documents, he traveled back to Colombia overland. He's back home now, but is out of work and in debt. He is plagued by nightmares about what he saw — and did — in Mexico. To toughen up young fighters, he said, cartel leaders forced them to eat barbecued human flesh. Still, he is looking again for opportunities to go abroad as a mercenary. Europe — and the salary he could make there — still calls to him. "I don't have a career. I don't have any other skills," he said. "When you spend so many years at war, you don't have a vision of doing anything else. I like guns. I like security. This is what I was trained for." Linthicum reported from Mexico City and Hamilton from San Francisco. Times staff writer Patrick J. McDonnell in Mexico City contributed to this report. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

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