A freedom from slavery parade, heatwave and a fashion show: photos of the day
The site of an Israeli strike on a house that took place in the central Gaza Strip Photograph: Ramadan Abed/Reuters
The body of 29-year-old Palestinian Ayyub Sabir Abu al-Hasin is brought to Kuwait hospital for funeral procedures after he died of malnutrition Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images
People parade during the National Commemoration of Slavery, known as Keti Koti, which means 'the chains are broken' Photograph: Ramon van Flymen/EPA
A tourist shields from the sun in Milan Photograph: Luca Bruno/AP
A man protects himself from the heat with an umbrella during a demonstration in Frankfurt Photograph:Tourists protect themselves from the sun near the Acropolis hill Photograph: Angelos Tzortzinis/AFP/Getty Images
A tourist cools off in the Trocadero Fountain next to the Eiffel Tower Photograph: Tom Nicholson/Reuters
Firefighting efforts continue in Manisa where a wildfire has broken out Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images
Firefighters tackle the Juniper Fire in California Photograph: David Swanson/Reuters
A drone view shows a section of the Trans-Andean highway that was destroyed by a landslide following floods Photograph: Leonardo Fernández Viloria/Reuters
Protesters clash with anti riot police after allegations that a satirical magazine had published a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed. The incident occurred after Istanbul's chief prosecutor ordered the arrest of the editors at LeMan magazine on grounds it had published a cartoon which 'publicly insulted religious values' Photograph: Ozan Köse/AFP/Getty Images
Prime minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra. Thailand's constitutional court suspended her from duty pending a case seeking her dismissal, at the Government House Photograph: Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters
Shia Muslims commemorate Imam Hussein, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad, and his 72 companions who were martyred in the Battle of Karbala, during a mourning ceremony as part of Muharram observances. Participants joined in reciting elegies and lit torches in honour of the Karbala martyrs Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images
Chancellor Friedrich Merz (left) and Luxembourg's prime minister, Luc Frieden, step off the podium before reviewing a military honour guard during an official welcome ceremony Photograph: John MacDougall/AFP/Getty Images
Police personnel perform during a ceremony to mark the 79th anniversary of Indonesia's National Police at the National Monument Photograph: Ajeng Dinar Ulfiana/Reuters
A pro-China supporter stands behind the Chinese national flag at a celebration of the 28th anniversary of Hong Kong's handover to Chinese rule Photograph: Tyrone Siu/Reuters
A view of Marc Jacobs platform boots backstage during the Marc Jacobs 2026 Runway Show at New York Public Library
Photograph:for Marc Jacobs
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The Guardian
10 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Israeli unit tasked with smearing Gaza journalists as Hamas fighters
A special unit in Israel's military was tasked with identifying reporters it could smear as undercover Hamas fighters, to target them and to blunt international outrage over the killing of media workers, the Israeli-Palestinian outlet +972 Magazine reports. The 'legitimisation cell' was set up after the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack to gather information that could bolster Israel's image and shore up diplomatic and military support from key allies, the report said, citing three intelligence sources. According to the report, in at least one case the unit misrepresented information in order to falsely describe a journalist as a militant, a designation that in Gaza is in effect a death sentence. The label was reversed before the man was attacked, one of the sources said. Earlier this week, Israel killed the Al Jazeera journalist Anas al-Sharif and three colleagues in their makeshift newsroom, after claiming Sharif was a Hamas commander. The killings focused global attention on the extreme dangers faced by Palestinian journalists in Gaza and Israel's efforts to manipulate media coverage of the war. Foreign reporters have been barred from entering Gaza apart from a few brief and tightly controlled trips with the Israeli military, who impose restrictions including a ban on speaking to Palestinians. Palestinian journalists reporting from the ground are the most at risk in the world, with more than 180 killed by Israeli attacks in less than two years, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Israel carried out 26 targeted killings of journalists in that period, the CPJ said, describing them as murders. Israel has produced an unconvincing dossier of unverified evidence on Sharif's purported Hamas links, and failed to address how he would have juggled a military command role with regular broadcast duties in one of the most heavily surveilled places on Earth. Israel did not attempt to justify killing his three colleagues. Before the attack, press freedom groups and Sharif himself had warned that Israeli accusations of Hamas links, first made in 2024, were designed to 'manufacture consent to kill'. They had been revived and repeated with increasing frequency after his reporting on famine in Gaza went viral. Intelligence sources told +972 magazine that the 'legitimisation cell' worked to undermine the work done by Palestinian journalists as well as their protected status under international law. Officers were eager to find a media worker they could link to Hamas, because they were convinced Gaza-based journalists were 'smearing [Israel's] name in front of the world', a source was quoted saying. In at least one case, they misrepresented evidence to falsely claim a reporter was an undercover militant, two sources said, although the designation was reversed before an attack was ordered. 'They were eager to label him as a target, as a terrorist, to say it's OK to attack him,' one recalled. 'They said: during the day he's a journalist, at night he's a platoon commander. Everyone was excited. But there was a chain of errors and corner-cutting.' 'In the end, they realised he really was a journalist,' the source added, and the reporter was taken off the target list. Israel's government often gave the army orders about where the unit should focus their work, and the primary motive of the 'legitimisation cell' was public relations, not national security, the sources said. When media criticism of Israel over a particular issue intensified the cell would be tasked with finding intelligence that could be declassified and used to counter the narrative, the magazine reported. 'If the global media is talking about Israel killing innocent journalists, then immediately there's a push to find one journalist who might not be so innocent, as if that somehow makes killing the other 20 acceptable,' the article quoted an intelligence source saying. The cell also reportedly sought information on Hamas's use of schools and hospitals for military purposes, and failed attacks by Palestinian armed groups that harmed civilians there. Some in the unit were reportedly concerned about publishing classified material for public relations reasons rather than military or security objectives. Officers were told their work was crucial to Israel's ability to keep fighting, one source said. 'The idea was to (allow the military to) operate without pressure, so countries like America wouldn't stop supplying weapons,' a second source said. 'Anything that could bolster Israel's international legitimacy to keep fighting.' The IDF has been approached for comment. On Friday, at least 16 Palestinians were killed by Israeli attacks in Gaza, including five who were trying to get food aid, medical sources told Al Jazeera. Israel also issued evacuation orders for northern parts of Gaza City's Zeitoun neighbourhood, as it intensified military operations before a planned escalation of the ground war in Gaza, which has been widely criticised domestically and abroad.
The Guardian
10 minutes ago
- The Guardian
As Netanyahu starves Gaza, there is a whole new battle to be fought in Israel – against complacency
The extreme heatwave that has hit our region this week does not distinguish between Israelis and Palestinians. But while we Israelis hide in our air-conditioned houses, offices and cars, the besieged residents of Gaza can only add the unbearable hot and humid atmosphere to their struggle to eat, drink and sleep, in constant fear of death. The starvation crisis that has exploded in Gaza this summer, following Israeli-imposed restrictions on the flow of humanitarian aid, continues to worsen despite mounting international pressure to allow in more food, medicine and critical supplies. And the killing has never stopped, while Israel is preparing for the next stage of the war to 'annihilate Hamas'. Most Israelis are self-immunised to the horrors being endured by Palestinians in Gaza. Told by our government and mainstream media that there is no starvation, only Hamas propaganda and fake news spread by antisemites in the western media, they see no moral dilemma. And so, after almost two years of fighting, life in Tel Aviv recalls the antebellum days of endless partying. The beaches and restaurants are packed and Ben Gurion airport is busy again with summer vacationers flying to Greece. Israel's economic data is outperforming expectations. Antiwar sentiment is limited to fear for the plight of Israeli hostages in Hamas tunnels, decreasing motivation to re-enlist in reservist units, and growing PTSD and suicide cases in the military. Nevertheless, most Israelis, even diehard critics of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, would give him carte blanche to continue with the ongoing punishment of Gaza. This public complacency allows Netanyahu to focus his attention on his favourite territory of political power-plays and media manipulation. His current aim is subordinating the military, and the ongoing war gives him an unprecedented opportunity. Zoom out: throughout his long, embattled political career, the chief rivals of Israel's prime minister have been former military leaders. Having led the country's most revered institution, they have been the epitome of its old liberal establishment, which Netanyahu vowed to crush and replace with new elites composed of his socially conservative and religious supporters. Beginning with Yitzhak Rabin in the 1990s, Netanyahu has fought them all – military heroes such as Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak and uniformed apparatchiks including Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot – and survived at the helm. But in a country fighting a permanent war, political control of the military is the key to leadership, and Netanyahu had been restrained by the de facto veto power of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and intelligence community over war-and-peace decision-making. Then came the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023, which the military and intelligence services had failed to anticipate and to contain in time. To most Israelis, it was the worst disaster in the country's history. But not to Netanyahu, who sensed an unprecedented opportunity to consolidate his power and push aside his long-term rivals. He put the blame squarely on the shoulders of the military and intelligence top brass and prevented an independent inquiry. As the war has dragged on, security chiefs have been purged one after another, to be replaced by the prime minister's loyalists. The purges have enabled him to spin the story and credit himself for the more successful moves against Hezbollah and Iran, and even for the downfall of the Assad regime in Syria. But self-praise was not enough to make the IDF an offshoot of the 'Bibist' personality cult. Netanyahu could only envy his political partner and far-right leader Itamar Ben-Gvir, who had turned Israel's police and prison service into his private militia by manipulating the senior appointments process. In March, Netanyahu made his move to take over the Kirya, Israel's answer to the Pentagon, in central Tel Aviv, nominating Lt Gen Eyal Zamir as the new IDF chief of staff. A broad-shouldered tank commander who had served as the prime minister's military aide a decade earlier, Zamir had close-up knowledge of his former boss and his inner circle. The rightwing politicians and twitterati praised him as an 'offensive' commander who would defeat Hamas, unlike his unlucky predecessor, Herzi Halevi, who carried the burden of the 7 October failure. And he was widely expected to preserve the draft exemption for ultra-Orthodox men, relieving Netanyahu of a political hot potato. At first, Zamir was quick to adapt. On 18 March, Israel breached a short-lived ceasefire with Hamas, intensifying its attacks and temporarily halting the flow of food and humanitarian aid into Gaza. In May, the military launched another operation to 'eliminate Hamas' and appeared in sync with the stated goal of Netanyahu and the right wing: ethnic cleansing of Gaza by relocating its 2 million Palestinians into guarded enclaves, from which the only way out would be abroad. But it didn't take long for the supposed Netanyahu crony to expose a different set of priorities. While showing no mercy for the Palestinians, Zamir behaved like the older, risk-averse version of his boss, putting the safety of his troops – and of the remaining Israeli hostages in Gaza – above all. And he stuck to his predecessor's support of Haredi conscription, issuing thousands of draft notes to ultra-Orthodox youth. By early August, as Hamas would not surrender, Netanyahu and his far-right coalition pledged to occupy the remaining Palestinian enclaves even at the risk of harming the hostages. This was Zamir's moment of rebellion. He reportedly threatened to resign if forced into a risky operation that would entail long-term occupation. Netanyahu was quick to seize the power-play opportunity, leading as usual from behind. Yair, the prime minister's son and alpha dog whistler, accused Zamir of a banana-republic military coup. Matters came to a head in a heated security cabinet meeting on 6 August, at which the chief of staff warned against sending his troops into what was 'tantamount … to a trap' and risking the hostages' lives. The compromise was a decision to occupy only Gaza City, force its million inhabitants out and raze it – just as the IDF had already done in Rafah and Khan Yunis. A two-month deadline was given before implementation, leaving time for a last-minute hostages-for-ceasefire deal. The power struggle, however, did not stop after the cabinet decision, as defence minister Israel Katz kept up his pressure on Zamir to bow or leave. The once unthinkable idea of sacking the military chief after less than six months in office, an almost Stalinist pace of purging, has now been normalised in the public sphere. The supposed potential successor candidates are 'more offensive' generals committed to obeying the prime minister and working towards Gaza's total destruction. All this unfolds amid Gaza's starvation crisis and hostages suffering in Hamas tunnels. On Sunday, a mass protest and strike has been organised, calling for an end to the war and the return of the hostages. It enjoys wide support in opinion polls, which Netanyahu is trying to ignore. Instead, he is doubling down on his dual mission of ethnic cleansing in Gaza and consolidating his autocracy in Israel. And so, in an unpredictable twist, Lt Gen Zamir has cast himself as the unlikely leader of resistance to both goals – just like Netanyahu's age-old military rivals. True to form, Netanyahu likes to keep his options open, while leaving his opponents with uneasy choices and telling different, and often contradictory, stories to different people. Israeli pundits debate whether he wants to end the war, reach a partial deal, or keep a low-level and less costly fight. Only two things are clear: the prime minister has an insatiable quest for power and longevity in office; and the death toll in Gaza from bombing and malnutrition keeps rising, while Israelis keep looking the other way. Aluf Benn is the editor-in-chief of Haaretz Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.
Reuters
an hour ago
- Reuters
Israel in talks to resettle Gaza Palestinians in South Sudan, sources say
NAIROBI, Aug 15 (Reuters) - South Sudan and Israel are discussing a deal to resettle Palestinians from war-torn Gaza in the troubled African nation, three sources told Reuters - a plan quickly dismissed as unacceptable by Palestinian leaders. The sources, who have knowledge of the matter but spoke on condition of anonymity, said no agreement had been reached but talks between South Sudan and Israel were ongoing. The plan, if carried further, would envisage people moving from an enclave shattered by almost two years of war with Israel to a nation in the heart of Africa riven by years of political and ethnically-driven violence. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said this month he intends to extend military control in Gaza, and this week repeated suggestions that Palestinians should leave the territory voluntarily. Arab and world leaders have rejected the idea of moving Gaza's population to any country. Palestinians say that would be like another "Nakba" (catastrophe) when hundreds of thousands fled or were forced out during the Arab-Israeli war of 1948. The three sources said the prospect of resettling Palestinians in South Sudan was raised during meetings between Israeli officials and South Sudanese Foreign Minister Monday Semaya Kumba when he visited the country last month. Their account appeared to contradict South Sudan's foreign ministry which on Wednesday dismissed earlier reports on the plan as "baseless". The ministry was not immediately available to respond to the sources' assertions on Friday. News of the discussions was first reported by the Associated Press on Tuesday, citing six people with knowledge of the matter. Wasel Abu Youssef, a member of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, said the Palestinian leadership and people "reject any plan or idea to displace any of our people to South Sudan or to any other place". His statement echoed a statement from the office of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas on Thursday. Hamas, which is fighting Israel in Gaza, did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel, who visited the South Sudanese capital Juba this week, told Reuters that those discussions had not focussed on relocation. "This is not what the discussions were about," she said when asked if any such plan had been discussed. "The discussions were about foreign policy, about multilateral organisations, about the humanitarian crisis, the real humanitarian crisis happening in South Sudan, and about the war," she said, referring to her talks with Juba officials. Netanyahu, who met Kumba last month, has said Israel is in touch with a few countries to find a destination for Palestinians who want to leave Gaza. He has consistently declined to provide further details. Netanyahu's office and Israel's foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the information given by the three sources on Friday.
