Why Utah businesses lobbied against expanded immigration verification for employees
If the federal government continues to fail to reform legal pathways for foreign workers, his nearly 100-year-old orchard, currently being run by its fourth generation of family farmers, won't live long enough to see its fifth generation take charge.
'We'd have to just tear out our trees and do something else,' McMullin said. 'We just wouldn't be in business.'
Over the years, McMullin Orchards, located just north of Santaquin, has come to rely on 40 H-2A seasonal workers from Mexico as the 'backbone' of their fruit-growing operation because of the difficulty with finding local employees.
But rising overhead costs have created the toughest conditions for McMullin's farm in his lifetime, he said, and one misplaced move by the state Legislature could spell the end of its centurylong run.
Practical economic realities for businesses like McMullin's were cited by Utah lawmakers as their central reason for rejecting a return to the state's previous standard for verifying the immigration status of new employees this legislative session.
Last week, members of the House Business, Labor, and Commerce Committee voted for the second time not to advance a bill that would require companies with at least 15 employees to use the federal immigration verification tool E-Verify — down from the current threshold of 150 employees.
The bipartisan blockade against the policy, which was originally included in Utah's 'compromise on immigration' 15 years ago, came after a concerted effort by the agriculture and construction industries to paint the bill as an ineffective means of reducing illegal activity that would have disastrous outcomes for companies already struggling because of workforce shortfalls.
The consensus among many lawmakers and lobbyists on Capitol Hill seemed to be that — public safety concerns aside — putting pressure on private businesses to enforce federal immigration policy is the wrong approach.
While McMullin said he never hires unauthorized workers because he can't risk a mid-season raid by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, he still bristles at the idea that business owners trying to make ends meet should be tasked with tracking how prospective employees entered the country.
'There are times when we have left fruit in the field because we have not had enough labor to harvest it in a timely manner,' McMullin said. 'It is not my job to have to regulate the people that come to my front door to work.'
Rep. Neil Walter, R-St. George, who sponsored HB214, Employer Verification Amendments, thinks the debate over his bill drifted away from the core issues of reducing identity theft and setting equal standards for companies.
'My feeling was that we ought to be putting the security interests of our citizens first, and we ought to be putting our employers and employees ... on an even playing field,' Walter told the Deseret News.
Walter's bill would have increased the number of businesses that must use a status verification system to check the legal working status of new employees from companies with more than 150 employees to include those with as few as 15 employees.
The bill originally brought the threshold down to five employees, which was amended to 15 and then 50 in a last-minute effort to gain support. It would have provided companies with more than a year to become compliant before they would be required to use E-Verify for new hires.
Walter's proposal also would have reaffirmed that workers who use fraudulent ID for the purpose of obtaining employment are subject to criminal prosecution under Utah's identity fraud statutes.
There are currently hundreds of Utah children whose government ID is being used by an adult to receive wages and thousands of Social Security numbers being used by three to 10 last names for employment purposes, according to Utah Department of Workforce Services data.
As with other lawmakers who voted against Walter's bill, Rep. Norm Thurston, R-Provo, agrees that identity theft for employment is a real problem in Utah. But he felt that without an enforcement mechanism the law would hurt good actors while leaving bad actors untouched.
'I'm concerned that we're going to have this bill that's a burden on law abiding businesses and then it's not going to accomplish anything,' Thurston told the Deseret News.
The arguments against Walter's bill were the same arguments made in 2022 to raise the threshold to 150 employees, Thurston said. Namely, that requiring small businesses to use E-Verify does little to deter immigrants from seeking employment unlawfully and adds extra bureaucratic steps for employers dealing with inflation and a tight labor market.
Thurston said that adding penalties in the bill for non-compliant businesses would make it more effective but less politically palatable. That was Walter's original intention but he quickly realized the change 'would have guaranteed that the bill failed.'
For Spencer Gibbons, the CEO of the Utah Farm Bureau and the owner of Gibbons Brothers Dairy in Lewiston, the E-Verify debate puts business owners in a nearly impossible situation.
While Gibbons does not think E-Verify is burdensome for businesses — the online program simply requires members to enter an employee's information from an I9 tax form — he does believe that requiring small businesses to comply with E-Verify would shrink the 'labor pool down to virtually zero' in some cases.
'You put employers in the position of they have to be the policeman and stand the risk of not having the labor to run their business,' Gibbons said. 'I can tell you that there are not a lot of people that live in this country lining up to go and milk cows.'
This debate wouldn't be happening at all if Congress could pass a sensible immigration policy, according to Gibbons.
The H-2A visa process used by seasonal farmers is little help to year-round dairy operations like his own, Gibbons said. In addition to expanded visa options, Gibbons said immigration policy must take into account that much of the U.S. economy is now built on immigrant labor.
The construction industry is a case in point.
Immigrants make up 20.5% of the construction workforce in Utah, according to an American Immigration Council report. This is the largest share of any industry in the state, and translates to roughly 29,000 immigrant workers.
Joey Gilbert, the CEO of Associated General Contractors of Utah, said it advocates for its membership to hire only individuals who are legally present in the country.
However, this would be easier for companies to do, Gilbert said, if there was an enforceable and uniform E-Verify policy across the country, rather than the current patchwork of state policies.
Utahns can expect the E-Verify issue to come up again in future legislative sessions, according to Walter.
The bill was just one of a slate of immigration policies introduced this session that would increase coordination between local law enforcement and ICE, and enhance penalties for human trafficking, fentanyl distribution and driving without a license.
What this session's E-Verify saga showed, according to Liliana Bolaños, a pro-immigration activist with Voices for Utah Children, is that state policy is often inadequate to address the question of how many people cross the border illegally and what to do with them once they are here.
'Until Congress provides hard-working, well-intentioned immigrants with a viable pathway to lawful status, state level mandates like this will be nothing more than a band-aid solution,' Bolaños said. 'So I think we need to focus our state-level efforts on more effective legislation.'
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Politico
3 minutes ago
- Politico
Vote-by-fail?
Good Wednesday morning! Two years ago, New Jersey Republicans were talking about retaking one or both houses of the state Legislature for the first time since the early 2000s. They were coming off big pickups in 2021 and a near miss of the governor's office. The issues appeared to be in their favor. The voter registration trends were in their favor. And then Republicans lost six seats in the Assembly and one in the Senate. There's never just one factor that explains election results, but most agreed at the time that Republican mistrust of vote-by-mail played a role. Now, with less than three months to go before New Jersey's gubernatorial election, President Trump isn't helping on that front. On Monday he pledged to 'lead a movement' to end mail-in voting altogether in time for the 2026 midterms. 'ELECTIONS CAN NEVER BE HONEST WITH MAIL IN BALLOTS/VOTING, and everybody, IN PARTICULAR THE DEMOCRATS, KNOWS THIS,' he wrote on Truth Social. You can read the fact checks of the president's social media post. There were plenty of false claims in it. He's targeting the voting method preferred by Democrats. And he does not have the power to unilaterally end it. States run their own elections, and it would be up to Congress to stop them from using mail-in ballots. But there have been mail-in ballot fraud scandals in New Jersey — famously in Paterson and even more recently in South Jersey, where notorious operative Craig Callaway pleaded guilty to mail-in ballot fraud. Ironically, he was working at the time for the campaign of Republican Rep. Jeff Van Drew, Trump's biggest ally. This can't be welcomed by Ciattarelli's camp. Most people believe this is a close race. And the way New Jersey mail-in voting works, most voters who have voted by mail before automatically receive ballots. That likely increases the chances that lower-propensity voters will cast them. So even if more Democrats vote this way than Republicans, you probably don't want to discourage Republicans from doing it — especially in gubernatorial elections, which have lower turnout than presidential elections. In a statement, the Ciattarelli campaign didn't directly contradict Trump but did not say he wants to end mail-in voting. 'Jack wants all NJ voters who already cast their ballots by mail this year to be fully confident they can do so,' said his campaign manager, Eric Arpert. 'Jack feels strongly that the strong partnership between his campaign, the NJGOP and the RNC, will result in a 2025 election marked by integrity and inspire public trust in the election process.' Ciattarelli has called for some narrowing of New Jersey's mail-in ballot law, like no longer allowing ballots to be received after polls close (postmarked ballots have to be accepted if they arrive within six days of polls closing). 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He placed recording devices in my home, has continued to text me and call me, and then I just came out last night from work and my car had been keyed and I have no idea who did it, but I don't have anybody else in my life with any animosity. He's also a State Trooper, so I'm especially uncomfortable. I just stopped in the office but nobody was available so the girl at the front desk gave me this number. If you could give me a call back when you have a moment, that would be great.' — Lauren Semanchik in a May 20 phone message to police in Franklin Township, Hunterdon County. The police never called back, according to Semanchik's family. Police believe State Trooper Ricardo J. Santos on Aug. 1 murdered Semanchik and her boyfriend, Tyler Webb. 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Before he was elected to the Legislature last year, he'd negotiated as the mayor of Old Bridge to build 12 new affordably priced homes — many of them for veterans — on an empty lot not far from the beach, in the Laurence Harbor neighborhood on the town's east end. Builders said they should have already broken ground. But the project is on an indefinite hold because Owen's legislative colleagues decided in June to divert $125 million from a long-standing state trust fund for constructing affordable housing across the Garden State and spend it instead on other initiatives, including down payment assistance for first-time homebuyers. Gov. Phil Murphy supported shifting the funds, touting them as a way to provide New Jerseyans with immediate housing assistance. ' I'm very upset. In my opinion, the diversion of those funds is totally asinine,' Henry, a Republican, told Gothamist.' 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Los Angeles Times
30 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
Power grab may energize Newsom and Democrats. But it won't fix their bigger problem
Today we discuss flora, fauna and self-gratification. You've been away. Yes, I was living in a tent for two weeks, communing with the pine trees and black bears of the Sierra. You heard about California's likely special election? I did. It seems Gov. Gavin Newsom will have his way, with help from the Democratic-run Legislature, and voters will be asked in November to approve a partisan gerrymander aimed at offsetting a similar Republican power grab in Texas. As many as five GOP House seats could be erased from the congressional map drawn by California's independent redistricting commission, which voters established more than a decade ago — expressly to take the line-drawing away from a bunch of self-interested politicians. Fighting fire with fire! Could we please retire that phrase. Huh? Also references to knife fights and Democrats showing up with pencils, rubber bands, butter knives and other wimpy implements. The campaign hasn't even started and already those metaphors have grown stale. Fine. At least Democrats are showing some fight. In an impulsive, shortsighted fashion. Look, I get it. Donald Trump truly knows no bottom when it comes to undermining democratic norms, running a familial kleptocracy and, in the felicitous phrase of Gustavo Arellano, my fellow Times columnista, treating the Constitution like a pee pad. Democrats are powerless in Washington, where a pliant Republican-controlled Congress and a supine right-wing Supreme Court have shown all the deference of a maître d' squiring Trump to his favorite table. So the idea of doing something to push back against the president is quite invigorating and, no doubt, gratifying for Democratic partisans. It's also expedient and facile, sparing the party from looking inward and doing the truly hard work it faces. Taking on Republicans over redistricting — a fight among insiders, as far as many voters are concerned — does absolutely nothing to address the larger problem confronting Democrats, which is the absence of any broader message beyond: Trump, bad! We saw how that worked for them in 2024. But this is a 'break-the-glass' moment for our democracy. Gov. Newsom said so! Please. The only thing worse than a grasping and nakedly calculating politician is a politician who wraps his grasping and naked calculation in all sorts of red, white and blue bunting. At bottom, this is all about Newsom's overweening presidential ambitions. How so? The whole episode started when our gallivanting governor went on a left-wing podcast during a Southern campaign swing and huffed and puffed about responding to Trump and Texas by executing a similar gerrymander in California. (He elided the fact that, under the state Constitution, he has no such authority. Hence the need for a special election to seek voter approval of new, slanted political lines.) Soon enough, Newsom's threat took on a life of its own. Normally, redistricting is done once every 10 years, after the latest census. Suddenly, mid-decade redistricting became a new front in the ever-escalating war between red and blue; now several more states are talking about rejiggering their congressional maps for partisan gain. The problem for Newsom and his fellow Democrats is that Republicans have a lot more gerrymandering opportunities than they do. So instead of those five Democratic-held seats in Texas, many more could be at risk for the party in 2026. Golly. Though, it should be said, at this point all that election handicapping is nothing more than speculation. What do you mean? Democrats need to flip three congressional districts to seize control of the House. That's why Trump prodded Texas Republicans to try to nab those five extra seats, to give the GOP some padding. But there's no guarantee Republicans will win all five seats. They're counting on the same strong Latino support Trump received in 2024, and recent polling suggests some of that pro-GOP sentiment may be waning. Beyond that, the ever-insightful Amy Walter, of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report, makes an important point. 'Even as the possibility of new maps in Texas and California may change the size and the shape of the 2026 playing field,' she wrote in a recent analysis, 'the fate of the Republican-controlled House is ultimately still going to be determined by two fundamental questions: how do voters feel about the state of the economy, and how do independent voters assess the party in power?' It's a long way to November 2026. But at this point, neither of those factors augurs well for Trump and Republicans. Well, they started it, by messing with Texas. True. And none of this is meant to defend Trump, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott or the president's other political henchmen. But effectively disenfranchising millions of California Republicans isn't any better than effectively disenfranchising millions of Texas Democrats. Huh? If Democrats have their way, the GOP would hold just a handful of California's 52 House seats, or even less. How is that possibly fair, or representative, in a state that's home to millions of Republican voters — more, in fact, than any state other than Texas. There are already countless residents, living outside Democrats' city and suburban strongholds, who feel ignored and politically impotent. That's not healthy for California, or democracy. It breeds anger, resentment, cynicism and a kind of political nihilism that, ultimately, helps lead to the election of a middle-finger president like Donald Trump. Of course, Newsom may not care, since at this twilight point of his governorship it's all about his White House hopes and desire to pander to the Democrats' aggrieved political base. By fighting fire with fire! And potentially burning the whole place down.


Los Angeles Times
an hour ago
- Los Angeles Times
California Republicans push Democrats on transparency, timeline for redistricting
SACRAMENTO — California's push to redraw the state's congressional districts to favor Democrats faced early opposition Tuesday during legislative hearings, a preview of the obstacles ahead for Gov. Gavin Newsom and his allies as they try to convince voters to back the effort. California Democrats entered the redistricting fray after Republicans in Texas moved to reconfigure their political districts to increase by five the number of GOP members of Congress after the 2026 midterm elections, a move that could sway the outcome of the 2026 midterm elections. The proposed map of new districts in California that could go before voters in November could cost as many as five Golden State Republicans their seats in Congress. In Sacramento, Republicans criticized Democrats for trying to scrap the independent redistricting process approved by voters in 2010, a change designed to remove self-serving politics and partisan game-playing. GOP lawmakers argued that the public and legislators had little time to review the maps of the proposed congressional districts and questioned who crafted the new districts and bankrolled the effort. In an attempt to slow down the push by Democrats, California Republicans filed an emergency petition at the California Supreme Court, arguing that Democrats violated the state Constitution by rushing the bills through the legislature. The state Constitution requires lawmakers to introduce non-budget bills 30 days before they are voted on, unless the Legislature waives that rule by a three-fourths majority vote. The bills were introduced Monday through a common process known as 'gut and amend,' where lawmakers strip out the language from an older pending bill and replace it with a new proposal. The lawsuit said that without the Supreme Court's intervention, the state could enact 'significant new legislation that the public has only seen for, at most, a few days,' according to the lawsuit filed by GOP state Sens. Tony Strickland of Huntington Beach and Suzette Martinez Valladares of Acton and Assemblymembers Tri Ta of Westminster and Kathryn Sanchez of Trabuco Canyon. Democrats bristled at the questions about their actions, including grilling by reporters and Republicans about who had drawn the proposed congressional districts that the party wants to put before voters. 'When I go to a restaurant, I don't need to meet the chef,' said Assembly Elections Committee chair Gail Pellerin (D-Santa Cruz). Democrats unveiled their campaign to suspend the independent redistricting commission's work Thursday, proposed maps of the redrawn districts were submitted to state legislative leaders Friday, and the three bills were introduced in the legislature Monday. If passed by a two-thirds vote in both bodies of the legislature and signed by Newsom this week, as expected, the measure will be on the ballot on Nov. 4. On Tuesday, lawmakers listened to hours of testimony and debate, frequently engaging in testy exchanges. After heated arguing and interrupting during an Assembly Elections Committee hearing, Pellerin admonished Assemblymembers Marc Berman (D-Menlo Park) and David Tangipa (R-Clovis). 'I would like you both to give me a little time and respect,' Pellerin said near the end of a hearing that lasted about five hours. Tangipa and the committee's vice chair, Assemblywoman Alexandra Macedo (R-Tulare), repeatedly questioned witnesses about issues that the GOP is likely to continue to raise: the speed with which the legislation is being pushed through, the cost of the special election, the limited opportunity for public comment on the maps, who drew the proposed new districts and who is funding the effort. Tangipa voiced concerns that legislators had too little time to review the legislation. 'That's insanity, and that's heartbreaking to the rest of Californians,' Tangipa said. 'How can you say you actually care about the people of California? Berman dismissed the criticism, saying the bill was five pages long. In a Senate elections committee hearing, State Sen. Steve Choi (R-Irvine), the only Republican on the panel, repeatedly pressed Democrats about how the maps had been drawn before they were presented. Tom Willis, Newsom's campaign counsel who appeared as a witness to support the redistricting bills, said the map was 'publicly submitted, and then the legislature reviewed it carefully and made sure that it was legally compliant.' But, Choi asked, who drew the maps in the first place? Willis said he couldn't answer, because he 'wasn't a part of that process.' In response to questions about why California should change their independent redistricting ethos to respond to potential moves by Texas, state Sen. Majority Leader Lena Gonzalez (D-Long Beach) was blunt. 'This is a partisan gerrymander,' she said, to counter the impacts of Trump administration policy decisions, from healthcare cuts to immigration raids, that are disproportionately impacting Californians. 'That's what we're talking about here.' Her comments prompted a GOP operative who is aiding the opposition campaign to the ballot measure to say, 'It made me salivate.' California Common Cause, an ardent supporter of independent redistricting, initially signaled openness to revisiting the state's independent redistricting rules because they would not 'call for unilateral political disarmament in the face of authoritarianism.' But on Tuesday, the group announced its opposition to a state Senate bill. 'it would create significant rollbacks in voter protections,' the group said in a statement, arguing that the legislation would result in reduced in-person voting, less opportunities for underrepresented communities to cast ballots and dampens opportunities for public input. 'These changes to the Elections Code ... would hinder full voter participation, with likely disproportionate harm falling to already underrepresented Californians.'