logo
How local groups of bishops could revolutionise the conclave

How local groups of bishops could revolutionise the conclave

Euronews08-05-2025

One of the late Pope Francis' central goals was to try and bring together the different strains of Catholicism. To do this, he used a particular device of ecclesiastical and institutional action: the synod, a council of bishops institutionalised in 1965 by the modernising Second Vatican Council to moderate and modernise the absolute power of the popes and the Roman curia in matters of faith.
Synods are not popular assemblies, but councils of the bishops of a country or a fairly large geographical area. Their members already occupy prominent positions in the church hierarchy.
"Pope Francis' objective was to enhance the synodal element, but not as a new power structure," says Francesco Clementi, professor of Comparative Public Law at Sapienza University, Rome. "The pope is always the pope. And as Pope Francis said, he remains a central figure in the vertical of ecclesiastical and spiritual power. The assemblies of bishops would simply have facilitated decisions (in Rome) by widening the audience in the hierarchies."
The proposals made by synods during Pope Francis' pontificate have been crucial for the future of the church and the faithful, such as the celibacy dispensations for Catholic priests or the potential priestly role of women in the church.
The late pontiff's unprecedented use of the synod thus represents a decisive innovation that could change the course of both the conclave and the future pontificate.
Synods are consultative institutions whose decisions are not binding on the pontiff, but in the age of mass media, they oblige him to be more sensitive to the needs of external and remote realities, even without bringing the Vatican's centrality into question.
The decisions synods produce, even if not formally adopted, may therefore influence the conclave, which this year is composed of newly appointed cardinals who in many cases come from the church's peripheries.
Moreover, papal elections often throw up surprises, as Father Gianni Criveller, director of the digital periodical Asia News, a sinologist and longtime missionary in China, explains.
"The unexpected happens in conclaves: they (the cardinals) start voting and then unexpected candidates emerge who do not necessarily correspond to the initial objectives," he tells Euronews.
"However,* it will be difficult for someone to be elected who goes beyond what Pope Francis has already done. There would be two or three such candidates among the cardinals, but I don't see how they can gather consensus until the end of the conclave."
The innovative use of synods both under Pope Francis and also in the short period after his death before the papacy is filled may prove to have changed the spiritual and political agenda of the cardinal electors by introducing elements and views that are relatively heterodox, if not directly opposed to previous convictions.
However, synods do not necessarily advance progressive ideas. Their orientation depends on the geographical area and culture from which they are drawn.
The blessing of people in same-sex relationships was one of Pope Francis' major decisions, and it still causes great divisions in the church.
"The entire African Church, including the bishops and cardinals, were strongly opposed to this initiative," recalls Father Criveller. "They have clearly said that in Africa, they will never apply the letter on the blessing of homosexuals inspired and approved by Pope Francis."
Pope Francis himself was a man capable of great leaps both forward and backward, such as on the women's issue.
He was the first pope to appoint seven women to the top administrative posts in the Vatican, among them prefect, director of the Vatican museums and secretary general of the governorate, a position usually occupied by a bishop.
However, he did not open up the priesthood to women, a move demanded by Catholic groups from Germany to the Amazon. On this front, the Catholic Church has fallen behind Protestant and Anglican churches that have welcomed women into the clergy.
Among the cardinals taking a stance against women in the priesthood is Bishop of Stockholm Anders Arborelius, an ex-Lutheran convert to Catholicism who was appointed Cardinal of the Nordic countries by Pope Francis in 2017.
He is opposed to the priesthood of women even though in Sweden's majority Protestant denomination, there are now more female priests than male ones.
Despite the expanded role of the synods, some proposals of the bishops' assemblies from other parts of the world were rejected by Pope Francis, among them, the notion of allowing the appointment of married priests.
"The Amazon synod had called for the admission to the priesthood of married men," says Father Criveller. "Not priests who can marry, but married men who want to become priests. Yet Pope Francis rejected the proposal."
Pope Benedict XVI himself had gone further on this issue, opening the doors of Roman Catholicism to Anglican priests who were at odds with their original denomination. Moreover, dispensations have existed for centuries within the Catholic Church for married priests, among them Ukrainian Greek Catholics, Chaldeans, Maronites, Copts and other Eastern Catholics.
For many sectors of the Catholic Church, therefore, synods are not a problem because of some inherent progressivism. Instead, their disruptive role could come from the diversity of their orientations and decisions.
Hong Kong Cardinal Joseph Zen said that the electors of the future pope must be aware that he will have the responsibility to either allow the synod process to continue or decisively cut it short.
"It is a matter of the life or death of the Church founded by Jesus," he said, concluding that if synods are disconnected from tradition and the heritage of faith, they might turn into an instrument of disunity instead of communion.
Zen is known for his harsh criticism of the agreement reached by the Vatican in 2018 with the Chinese communist government for the appointment of bishops in mainland China. The architect of the agreement with Beijing was one of the current papal appointees, the outgoing secretary of state Pietro Parolin, who would also be disliked by the US for his role in the deal.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

OPINION: 130 years on, the Dreyfus affair still matters to France and the world
OPINION: 130 years on, the Dreyfus affair still matters to France and the world

Local France

time2 days ago

  • Local France

OPINION: 130 years on, the Dreyfus affair still matters to France and the world

In 1894 an obscure Jewish French army captain was falsely convicted of espionage and treason. Alfred Dreyfus spent five years alone in a cage on Devil's Island in the French Caribbean before he was pardoned and finally rehabilitated in 1906. For many decades 'the Dreyfus case' divided France. To the Catholic fundamentalist, antisemitic and ultra-patriotic Right, his guilt – no matter the lack of evidence - became an article of patriotic faith. To the Left, and not just the Left, the struggle to prove his innocence symbolised the importance and the fragility of the democratic and personal freedoms won by the French Revolution. On Monday, the National Assembly voted unanimously to promote Dreyfus to the rank of brigadier general 90 years after his death. Until relatively recently, any unanimous parliamentary decision on the Dreyfus case in France would have been unthinkable. Advertisement This week's vote managed to be both unanimous and controversial. Of the 577 deputies, only 197 voted. Thirty-eight were from the far-right Rassemblement National, direct descendants of the Vichy regime of 1940-44 which rehabilitated the senior officers who lied and cheated to frame Dreyfus. Forty-one of the pro-Dreyfus votes came from the hard-Left La France Insoumise, which has been accused in recent months of anti-semitism in its unconditional support for the Palestinian cause. The centrist Modem party, the party of the prime minister François Bayrou, refused to take part. They said that the vote, sponsored by their coalition partners, Renaissance, the party of President Emmanuel Macron, gave the far-right and the hard-left a cheap opportunity to white-wash their anti-semitism. There may be some truth in that but it misses a larger point. The Dreyfus case IS partly about anti-semitism. The persecution of Captain Alfred Dreyfus persuaded Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism, that the future for the Jewish people was the creation of a Jewish state. But 'the case' is also about something broader - something which threatens democratic values in the 2020s as much as it did in the 1890s. The trampling of the rule of law in the name of patriotism? Politics in which facts do not shape political opinions but quasi-religious beliefs establish bogus facts? We are confronted in 2025 with the same issues which the novelist Emile Zola addressed in 1898 in his celebrated front-page article on the Dreyfus case under the banner headline: 'J'accuse'. Twenty-seven years ago, in a speech to mark the centenary of Zola's article, President Jacques Chirac said: 'The Dreyfus Affair…tore French society apart, divided families, split the country into two enemy camps, which attacked each other with exceptional violence ... It was a reminder, that the forces of darkness, intolerance and injustice can penetrate to the highest levels of the state.' The last sentence is prophetic and chilling. Chirac might have been speaking about Donald Trump. Advertisement In that centenary year of the Zola article, I interviewed Nelly Wilson, a British academic who was an expert on both Zola and Dreyfus. Ms Wilson, who died in 2017, came to Britain in 1945 at the age of 15 as one of 150 young concentration camp survivors invited to settle by the UK government. 'It is perhaps not so surprising that the (Dreyfus) affair remains so vivid in the French mind,' she told me in 1998. 'It describes a conflict at the heart of French political psychology which has not changed so very much to this day. On the one hand, a fierce nationalism and a temptation to justify almost anything for raisons d'etat ; on the other hand, a fierce attachment to justice for the individual, for the rights of the individual.' Nelly Wilson believed that the Dreyfus case changed the course of French history. It discredited the forces of extreme nationalism, anti-semitism, clericalism and nostalgic royalism which might otherwise have pushed France into a kind of proto-fascism or Francoism 30 years before Hitler, Mussolini or Franco. That conflict is still with us but is no longer at the centre of French politics alone. It can be seen in the lies and law-trampling of President Trump, in the brutal creed of Vladimir Putin and in the kleptocratic rule of Viktor Orban in Hungary. Advertisement And, yes, the 'temptation to justify almost anything for raisons d'etat ' also describes the murderous and cynical forever war for his own survival waged by Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel. The Dreyfus affair has never had quite the same resonance outside France (Jewish communities apart). In the early 20th century, British newspapers wrote puzzled or mocking articles, demanding to know what all the fuss was about. The parallels are not exact but you can see similar comments today minimising the Trump administration's wrongful arrest and imprisonment in El Salvador of Kilmar Abrego Garcia. We should no longer ask why France is obsessed with Alfred Dreyfus. History has told us, and continues to tell us, that 'the case' was about more than anti-semitism and far more than the persecution of one innocent man.

Nationalist's win dashes hopes for Polish LGBTQ, abortion rights
Nationalist's win dashes hopes for Polish LGBTQ, abortion rights

France 24

time3 days ago

  • France 24

Nationalist's win dashes hopes for Polish LGBTQ, abortion rights

Karol Nawrocki, backed by the right-wing opposition, said during the campaign he would not sign into law bills to relax anti-abortion rules or introduce civil unions for LGBTQ people. For activists who have been campaigning for years to secure such changes in the predominantly Catholic country, his victory has dealt a severe blow. "I really expected that the result would be different," said Wydrzynska, adding that she felt anger, sadness and disappointment -- "a mixture of those three emotions." She spoke in the abortion centre set up by her activist group just opposite the Polish parliament: an act of defiance intended to pressure lawmakers into easing the stringent rules. Nawrocki's rival, pro-EU mayor of Warsaw Rafal Trzaskowski, had pledged to accelerate the process, allow legal abortion by repealing the law that he frequently called "medieval". During the campaign, Nawrocki declared himself "in favour of protecting life" and said he would use the president's veto power to block efforts to relax the current rules. Wydrzynska said the centre, which regularly draws anti-abortion protesters, is bracing for new attacks. "The anti-abortion people can feel much braver than they've been before," the activist, who was herself sentenced in an unprecedented ruling for aiding an abortion, told AFP. "It means that our safety is in danger... Maybe we will decide to close this place." 'It takes away hope' The result also shook the LGBTQ community which had hoped that a Trzaskowski win would pave the way for the legal recognition of same-sex couples. Tomasz Szypula, 45, a campaigner, said the outcome "pushes back the prospect of any positive change for LGBTQ people for another five years" -- the duration of presidential terms. He called the realisation "devastating". "In five years I'll be 50. I've been involved in LGBTQ human rights activism for 20 years," he recounted. "So for a quarter of a century, basically nothing has changed for me in terms of legal progress... it takes away hope, it takes away the energy to act." In Poland, same-sex couples cannot marry or register their partnerships and, due to the lack of legal recognition, face multiple hurdles. These range from the obligation to pay inheritance tax in case a partner dies to obstacles to visiting each other at the hospital. Szypula, who in 2024 suffered a massive stroke and is still in recovery, witnessed the problem first-hand. His partner was only allowed to his bedside after a formal permission was granted by Szypula's mother. "But that's not what adult life is about, when you're in your forties and your mum decides whether your partner can visit you or not," he said. 'No other way' Przemyslaw Walas, a Campaign Against Homophobia activist, said he stayed up late into the night, nervously monitoring the election results trickling in -- but said Nawrocki's win did not take him by surprise. "We know that LGBTQ community issues are not priority issues at all, in every election," he said. Nawrocki said in a debate in May that "a marriage is obviously a relationship between a man and a woman" and added he could not "imagine a marriage between people of the same sex". In April, he said that "the LGBT community cannot count on me to address their issues". Walas voiced fear of the far-right being empowered by the election results and of reliving "the dark times" of rampant anti-LGBTQ hate speech all over again. "It's quite terrifying but also I think it could be a signal, a spark, to mobilise again," Walas said. Szypula also said he would try to stay upbeat, adding with a chuckle: "There's one advantage to being a 45-year-old queer man who's had a stroke: you've seen a lot and been through a lot." Earlier this year, he learned that he won a case at the European Courts of Human Rights over Poland's failure to legally recognise and protect same-sex couples. "I was just glad that I lived to see this moment," Szypula said, adding he had no illusion that anything would change under Nawrocki. In the meantime, "we'll have to attend all the demonstrations" for equal rights. "It's a long road, but apparently there is no other way." © 2025 AFP

What is France's 'Black code' and why hasn't it been repealed?
What is France's 'Black code' and why hasn't it been repealed?

LeMonde

time6 days ago

  • LeMonde

What is France's 'Black code' and why hasn't it been repealed?

France's code noir, or Black code, was a set of articles drafted during the 17 th century by the powerful first minister of state Jean-Baptiste Colbert and completed by his son, Jean-Baptiste Antoine Colbert. Commissioned by King Louis XIV, its purpose was to regulate the lives of enslaved people and their masters in the French Caribbean colonies. For example, several paragraphs detail punishments for escape attempts as well as the obligation for slaves to adopt Catholicism. Slavery was abolished during the French Revolution in 1794, then reinstated by Napoleon in 1802, and finally abolished again in 1848. However, the Black code itself was never formally repealed. French Prime Minister François Bayrou has promised its repeal, in what would be a symbolic act of remembrance. Le Monde explains how this legislation regulated human trafficking during the French colonial era. Read more Subscribers only French government faces calls for slavery reparations Chloé Denis, Olivier Escher (motion design) and Diana Liu Translation of an original article published in French on the publisher may only be liable for the French version. Reuse this content

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store