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What militant's arrest means for Rohingyas' future

What militant's arrest means for Rohingyas' future

Arab News23-03-2025

https://arab.news/968sw
The arrest by Bangladeshi police of Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi, the leader of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, on the outskirts of Dhaka last week marks a significant turning point in the ongoing conflict in Myanmar. Ataullah's capture raises critical questions about the future of Rohingya militancy, the shifting dynamics in Rakhine State and the prospects for stability in the region.
Ataullah emerged in 2016-17 as the face of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, a militant group that claimed to defend the Rohingya people against the brutal persecution they faced at the hands of the Myanmar military. While he framed the group as a resistance movement, its activities often exacerbated the suffering of the Rohingya. His rhetoric and actions gained him support from disenfranchised youth seeking protection, while others viewed him as reckless and his actions as counterproductive.
Ataullah's radicalization was influenced by the systemic discrimination and violence suffered by the Rohingya. He presented himself as a defender of the stateless minority, leveraging grievances to gain followers. However, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army's lack of sophisticated weaponry and training made it more symbolic than strategic in its operations. Despite its stated goals of protecting the Rohingya, its actions often invited disproportionate and devastating retaliation from the Myanmar military.
Ataullah was captured in Bangladesh, where his group had been increasingly active in refugee camps. His arrest was the culmination of a long-standing crackdown on criminal networks and extremist groups operating in the camps. Bangladeshi authorities, facing mounting pressure to restore order, collaborated with intelligence agencies to apprehend him. While the details of his capture remain undisclosed, it is believed that Ataullah had been attempting to evade arrest by moving between various safe houses.
This development has been welcomed by many who blamed the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army for sowing insecurity within the Rohingya community. Incidents of extortion, targeted killings and forced recruitment attributed to the group have destabilized the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar. The arrest may lead to the dismantling of its operational network in Bangladesh, though ideological support for the group may persist.
Its attacks on Myanmar border posts in 2016 and 2017 served as a pretext for the military's genocidal campaign against the Rohingya. The Tatmadaw, Myanmar's armed forces, unleashed a scorched-earth assault that forced over 700,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. While the military framed its actions as a counterterrorism response, the overwhelming evidence of mass killings, sexual violence and village burnings revealed the true genocidal intent.
Only through genuine political will and coordinated diplomatic efforts can the cycle of violence and persecution be broken.
Dr. Azeem Ibrahim
Human rights organizations and investigative bodies have consistently debunked the narrative that the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army posed a significant security threat. However, the group's attacks, though limited in scope, were manipulated to justify the ethnic cleansing campaign. Ataullah's decision to launch these attacks proved catastrophic for his own people, resulting in one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern history.
Ataullah's leadership polarized the Rohingya. Some saw him as a defender of their community, standing up against Myanmar's systematic persecution when no one else did. For others, particularly the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, his actions brought further suffering and retribution. Reports of its involvement in criminal activities, including extortion and targeted assassinations, further tarnished its reputation.
While the group initially gained support among desperate Rohingya youths, its tactics soon alienated many. Community leaders accused it of undermining efforts for peaceful repatriation and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Ataullah's rigid leadership style and reluctance to engage in broader political advocacy also limited its influence.
With Ataullah's arrest, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army's operational capacity is expected to diminish. However, the root causes of Rohingya militancy remain unresolved. The lack of citizenship, restricted movement and systemic discrimination continue to fuel resentment. Without a comprehensive political solution, the emergence of new militant factions cannot be ruled out.
The Rohingya diaspora and the younger generation growing up in refugee camps have bleak prospects. Limited educational and economic opportunities, coupled with the trauma of genocide, create fertile ground for radicalization. Regional actors and international stakeholders must address these underlying grievances to prevent the resurgence of militant activity.
Complicating the landscape further is the growing influence of the Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine insurgent group that now controls much of Rakhine State. Unlike the Tatmadaw, the Arakan Army has expressed some willingness to negotiate with Rohingya communities. However, its ban on the use of the term 'Rohingya' underscores the ongoing challenges in achieving recognition and justice.
The Arakan Army's territorial gains have reshaped the power dynamics in Rakhine State. With the Myanmar military weakened and distracted by conflicts elsewhere, it has consolidated control over key regions. The group's pragmatic approach to governance presents a potential opportunity for dialogue, but its long-term commitment to inclusive governance remains uncertain.
The arrest of Ataullah offers an opportunity for regional and international actors to press for a more inclusive and sustainable resolution. Bangladesh, Myanmar's national unity government and the Arakan Army must engage in meaningful dialogue with Rohingya representatives to address grievances and ensure the safe, voluntary and dignified return of refugees.
International organizations must also expand their support for development initiatives within Rakhine State, creating alternative pathways for disenfranchised young people. Programs focusing on education, vocational training and reconciliation can mitigate the appeal of militancy and contribute to long-term stability.
Ultimately, the fall of one militant leader does not resolve the deep-seated issues facing the Rohingya. Only through genuine political will and coordinated diplomatic efforts can the cycle of violence and persecution be broken, paving the way for a just and lasting peace in Myanmar.

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Malaysia leads ASEAN in new direction on Myanmar
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Malaysia leads ASEAN in new direction on Myanmar

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'I was pushed across the border into Bangladesh at gunpoint'
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time6 days ago

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'I was pushed across the border into Bangladesh at gunpoint'

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But top sources in the Bangladesh administration claim that India "illegally pushed in" more than 1,200 people into the country in May alone, not just from Assam but also other states. Out of this, they said on condition of anonymity, Bangladesh identified 100 people as Indian citizens and sent them a statement, the Border Guard Bangladesh said it had increased patrolling along the border to curb these has not commented on these media reports indicate that the recent crackdown includes Rohingya Muslims living in other states too, the situation is particularly tense and complex in Assam, where issues of citizenship and ethnic identity have long dominated state, which shares a nearly 300km-long border with Muslim-majority Bangladesh, has seen waves of migration from the neighbouring country as people moved in search of opportunities or fled religious has sparked the anxieties of Assamese people, many of whom fear this is bringing in demographic change and taking away resources from Bharatiya Janata Party — in power in Assam and nationally — has repeatedly promised to end the problem of illegal immigration, making the state's National Register of Citizens (NRC) a priority in recent register is a list of people who can prove they came to Assam by 24 March 1971, the day before neighbouring Bangladesh declared independence from Pakistan. The list went through several iterations, with people whose names were missing given chances to prove their Indian citizenship by showing official documents to quasi-judicial forums called Foreigners a chaotic process, the final draft published in 2019 excluded nearly two million residents of Assam — many of them were put in detention camps while others have appealed in higher courts against their Banu said her case is pending in the Supreme Court but that authorities still forced her to BBC heard similar stories from at least six others in Assam — all Muslims — who say their family members were sent to Bangladesh around the same time as Ms Banu, despite having the necessary documents and living in India for generations. At least four of them have now come back home, with no answers still about why they were picked up.A third of Assam's 32 million residents are Muslims and many of them are descendants of immigrants who settled there during British Khatun, a 67-year-old from Assam's Barpeta who is still in Bangladesh, says she has temporarily been given shelter by a local family."I have no-one here," she laments. Her family has managed to speak to her but don't know if and when she can return. She lost her case in the foreigners' tribunal and in the state's high court and hadn't appealed in the Supreme after the recent round of action began, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma cited a February Supreme Court direction which ordered the government to start deportation proceedings for people who had been "declared foreigners" but were still held in detention centres."The people who are declared foreigners but haven't even appealed in court, we are pushing them back," Sarma said. 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Rohingya refugees at the mercy of climate change
Rohingya refugees at the mercy of climate change

Arab News

time25-05-2025

  • Arab News

Rohingya refugees at the mercy of climate change

The Rohingya, a persecuted Muslim minority from Myanmar, face an escalating crisis in Bangladesh's overcrowded refugee camps. More than a million Rohingya have fled genocide and violence in Rakhine State since 2017, seeking refuge in Cox's Bazar, where they live in sprawling, makeshift settlements. These camps, among the most densely populated spaces on earth, are increasingly vulnerable to climate change. Cyclones, floods and earthquakes threaten the region, while rising sea levels shrink Bangladesh's landmass. Without urgent international investment in disaster preparedness, infrastructure and early warning systems — and without successful repatriation — the Rohingya will be among the first and most devastated victims of climate vulnerability. Bangladesh, one of the world's most densely populated countries, is on the front lines of climate change. Its low-lying delta geography makes it acutely susceptible to natural disasters. 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Landslides, triggered by heavy rains, have already claimed lives. In 2023, a fire exacerbated by dry conditions and strong winds razed parts of Kutupalong camp, displacing thousands. These disasters expose the camps' fragility, where even moderate climate events can cause disproportionate harm. Rising sea levels compound the crisis. Bangladesh loses approximately 1 percent of its landmass annually to erosion and inundation, with coastal areas like Cox's Bazar particularly at risk. By 2050, experts estimate that 17 percent of Bangladesh's land could be submerged, displacing millions, including the Rohingya. For a community already confined to shrinking, flood-prone land, this is a death sentence unless drastic measures are taken. The climate crisis disproportionately harms vulnerable populations like the Rohingya, who contribute negligibly to global emissions. Dr. Azeem Ibrahim Repatriation to Myanmar remains the preferred long-term solution, but prospects are bleak. Myanmar's junta, responsible for the Rohingya's expulsion, shows no willingness to ensure safe returns. Political instability following the 2021 coup has further dimmed hopes. Two failed repatriation attempts in 2018 and 2019, boycotted by the Rohingya due to fears of continued persecution, underscore the challenge. Without a viable path to return, the Rohingya remain trapped in camps ill-equipped for the climate realities of the 21st century. Bangladesh, despite its generosity in hosting the Rohingya, cannot address this crisis alone. The country faces its own climate adaptation challenges, with a gross domestic product per capita of just $2,800 and a population of 170 million. Resources are stretched thin. The government has invested in some camp improvements, such as concrete drainage channels and cyclone shelters, but these are insufficient for the scale of the threat. With 30,000 children born in the camps annually, the Rohingya population continues to grow. By 2030, the camps could house 1.5 million people, making the need for robust infrastructure urgent. International support has been inadequate. In 2024, the UN's Joint Response Plan for the Rohingya was only 37 percent funded, leaving critical gaps in food, healthcare and shelter. Disaster preparedness receives even less attention. Early warning systems, which could save lives by alerting residents to impending cyclones or floods, are rudimentary. Many Rohingya lack access to mobile networks or radios, while language barriers hinder communication. Infrastructure upgrades — elevated shelters, reinforced roads and reforestation to prevent landslides — require billions of dollars, far beyond Bangladesh's capacity. The international community must act swiftly. First, funding must prioritize climate-resilient infrastructure. Elevated, durable shelters can withstand floods and winds. Improved drainage and sanitation systems can mitigate disease outbreaks. 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