Clyde Tunnel ‘could close' as workers vote to strike for better pay
The Clyde Tunnel in Glasgow, relied upon by around 65,000 drivers a day, faces disruption as control room staff have unanimously backed industrial action.
A team of 10 staff based in the city's Whiteinch are responsible for monitoring the tunnel's CCTV system, ensuring it is safe for drivers who use it to cross beneath the River Clyde.
They also control ventilation and respond to breakdowns among other emergencies.
GMB Scotland said their members in the team backed strike action after Cosla offered a 3% pay increase, which workers deemed too low.
The union warned that if the workers strike, the tunnel, which connects the north and south of Glasgow, may be forced to close.
Keir Greenaway, senior organiser in public services for GMB Scotland, said the tunnel staff were the first to vote in a strategic campaign of industrial action to secure an improved offer for all council workers.
He encouraged the Scottish Government to engage with Cosla to resolve the dispute.
He said: 'Council workers have again been forced to fight for fair pay while watching others in the public sector, NHS Scotland, for example, being made acceptable offers.
'The everyday lives of millions of Scots rest on the shoulders of local authority staff and they will not be treated as the poor relations in our public services.
'The team at the Clyde Tunnel keep Scotland's biggest city moving, only one example of the essential services delivered by our members.
'Without their expertise and experience, one of the country's most important roads could close with untold disruption.'
He added: 'The current offer adds pennies to the hourly rate paid to the lowest-paid staff, and it is beyond time for ministers to seriously engage with Cosla and the unions to deliver fair pay.'
Starting with the proposed Clyde Tunnel strike, the union is now planning strategic action to get workers a £1 an hour increase or 6.5%.
It comes after a consultative ballot from all of GMB Scotland's council members said 96% of voters backed walkouts if Cosla refuses to improve the 3% pay offer.
Strike dates have yet to be announced, but it is understood at least two weeks' notice must be given to the council ahead of industrial action.
A spokesman for Glasgow City Council said: 'We are aware of this ballot result but we have received no formal notification of the intention to take industrial action in relation to the Clyde Tunnel.
'The ballot was held in relation to the national pay negotiations for local authorities, which are managed at a national level through Cosla.'
The Scottish Government Glasgow City Council were approached for comment.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Herald Scotland
an hour ago
- The Herald Scotland
Why did ScotGov support award of ferry contracts to firms abroad
MV Isle of Islay is expected to be taking passengers in Scotland nine months before MV Glen Rosa that is still being completed by state-owned shipyard firm Ferguson Marine. It has been confirmed successful sea trials means that MV Isle of Islay - one of the first of the four ferries being built in Turkey in the wake of Scotland's ferry fiasco - is on target to be delivered sometime between next month and September. Meanwhile concerns have emerged that vital funding needed to have one key contract to build seven smaller ferries directly awarded to state-owned Ferguson Marine was not considered justified by ministers. Why did CMAL award ferry contracts to shipyards in Turkey and Poland? The Scottish Government -owned ferry and port owner CMAL awarded contracts to build ferries to Cemre Shipyard in Turkey and Remontowa Shipbuilding in Poland based on competitive procurement processes. These shipyards demonstrated the capability to deliver vessels that met technical specifications, timelines, and budgetary constraints. The Cemre yard and (inset) one of the vessels it is delivering for Scotland (Image: .) Remontowa was awarded a £175 million contract to build seven all-electric ferries, having received the highest score during the bidding process . The Turkish shipyard Cemre Marin Endustri was contracted to construct four new roll-on/roll-off passenger and vehicle ferries for Scotland's west coast ferry network. These vessels are intended to enhance services on routes to the Isle of Islay and the Little Minch corridor, which includes Skye, Harris, and North Uist. The deals together were worth £220m. Why was Ferguson Marine, the Scots state-owned shipyard firm not awarded these contracts? The Inverclyde firm had faced several challenges that affected its competitiveness in the bidding process. Firstly a lack of experience. The shipyard had not completed any ferries in the past five years, failing to meet the tender's requirement to show recent experience in building at least three similar ferries. READ MORE: 'Laughable': Turkey-built ferry to be delivered seven years faster than fiasco ship Cost to repair CalMac ferry now £2m more than to buy replacement Why has a 'rudderless' CalMac ferry been out of action for 16 months 'Final nail in coffin'. Scots fiasco firm loses out on big ferry contract to Poland 'Material uncertainty' over Scots ferry operator future amidst £45m funding hike 'Mismanagement': Public cost of Scots ferry fiasco firm hits £750m amidst overspends It had financial and operational issues. Ferguson Marine's previous projects, such as the Glen Sannox and Glen Rosa, were significantly delayed and over budget, raising concerns about the yard's financial stability and project management capabilities. CMAL's procurement process emphasized technical and financial suitability. Ferguson Marine is understood to have not scored as highly as other bidders in these areas. What were the issues with the Glen Sannox and Glen Rosa projects? The issues with Glen Sannox and Glen Rosa has become known as Scotland's ferry fiasco. Glen Rosa and Glen Sannox's arrival to serve islands was scheduled to be online in the first half of 2018. Glen Sannox finally went into service on January but islanders are still awaiting the arrival of Glen Rosa. Glen Sannox (Image: Andrew Milligan/PA) Both vessels were significantly behind schedule and over budget. Glen Rosa's delivery has been delayed until spring 2026, with costs soaring. Costs of the entire project are currently expected to have multiplied at least five-fold from the original £96m price. The delays were down to design and construction flaws. Problems included inadequate planning, quality issues, and a lack of detailed construction plans with CMAL and Ferguson Marine blaming each other for failings. The contract also lacked adequate financial safeguards, such as a builder's refund guarantee, which would have protected public funds in case of project failures. What are the implications of awarding contracts to overseas shipyards? Awarding contracts to overseas shipyards has both advantages and disadvantages. Overseas shipyards like Cemre and Remontowa, it is felt, have demonstrated the ability to deliver vessels on time and within budget. These shipyards have experience building similar vessels, ensuring adherence to technical specifications. But the disadvantages are the economic impact on Scotland. Excluding domestic shipyards like Ferguson Marine can have negative effects on local employment and the Scottish shipbuilding industry. Ferguson Marine has previously indicated that losing ferry contracts had an effect on its ability to continue as a going concern. Ferguson Marine (Image: Colin Mearns) The decisions on the contracts have sparked political criticism and debates over the government's commitment to supporting domestic industries. What lessons have been learned from these experiences? While the decision to award ferry contracts to overseas shipyards was based on factors like cost, efficiency, and technical capability, it has raised important questions about the future of domestic shipbuilding in Scotland and the need for improved procurement practices. The challenges faced in ferry procurement have highlighted the need for robust procurement processes and that contracts should include builder's refund guarantees to protect public funds. It has also shown the requirement to balance the need for cost-effective procurement with the importance of supporting local industries.
The Herald Scotland
an hour ago
- The Herald Scotland
Winter fuel payment u-turn exposes flaws in SNP's universalism
Reeves maintained that circumstances have changed so much that the u-turn now represents a model of safe fiscal navigation. She was bound to claim that and I don't really care, so long as it allows a costly political mistake to be neutralised. In fact, Reeves' statement indicated quite a few 'u-turns' which have headed the government in more recognisable Labour directions. Thank goodness for that too, I say. People voted for change and it needs to be more visible. In the run-up to last week's by-election, lots of voters were still angry about Reeves' initial action on Winter Fuel Payments but not enough, as it proved, to change the outcome. Labour has had the sense to listen and respond with more positive messages. The Chancellor was not just redistributionist in her commitments to health, education, housing and so on, which apply directly to England. She also spread serious investment around the nations and regions, on top of the record £52 billion to the Scottish Government. Read more from Brian Wilson: Her England-only funding will lead to lots of 'Barnett consequentials' for Scotland. Normally, these are taken with one ungrateful hand and recycled with the other as Scottish Government largesse, without a backward reference to where the money came from. Anas Sarwar will need to keep reminding them and this time more attention must be paid to whether the extra billions are used for priorities which generated them. For example, every penny of 'consequentials' which flow from extra NHS spending in England should be spent on the NHS in Scotland, which has not always happened in the past. There should be complete transparency around this and how other Barnett money, on top of the £52 billion, is spent, and the value we get. However convoluted the route to get here, Winter Fuel Payments now offer a perfect example of why 'universalism' is one pillar of nationalist rule which is long overdue for a 'u-turn', preferably under a new Holyrood administration which has the courage to take the argument on. Under Reeves' plans, pensioners with income under £35,000 a year will get the Winter Fuel Payment of two or three hundred pounds. Those above that amount will not. The vast majority of people will regard that compromise as somewhere between fair and generous. I haven't heard anyone plead the case for restoring universalism. Except, of course, in Scotland where the nationalists committed themselves to paying every pensioner £100, whether they need it or not. It was a political gimmick to demonstrate generosity, humanity etc in comparison to Whitehall, to be funded entirely from the Scottish budget (at the expense of something else). Now the money will come from the Treasury and it will be up to Edinburgh to divvy it up. If they persist in giving £100 to pensioners above the £35,000 threshold, it will either be at the expense of the less well-off or an entirely pointless use of scarce resources, other than to justify 'universalism'. Maybe that example could open the door to an overdue wider debate in Scotland around 'universalism' which opposition politicians tend to steer clear of because the assumption has developed that 'free things are popular' even if their effect is to widen wealth and attainment gaps, rather than narrow them. In a world of unlimited resources, universalism may be a desirable concept, to be recouped through correspondingly high taxation. In the world we inhabit, on the other hand, it is a lofty-sounding device for transferring scarce resources from those who have least to others who are much better off. That is a deception which the SNP have deployed to great advantage. Anyone who challenges it is accused of wanting to reintroduce 'means-testing' which carries the stigma of 1930s oppressors keeping money from the poor. In the 2020s, however, the case for 'means-testing' is to stop giving money to those who don't need it. Another obvious example of this con-trick involves 'free tuition' which now plays a large part in bringing Scotland's universities to the point of penury, forcing large-scale redundancies, excluding Scottish students from hundreds of desirable courses and making our great seats of learning more dependent on decisions taken in Beijing and Seoul than Edinburgh. 'Universalism is one pillar of nationalist rule which is long overdue for a 'u-turn', preferably under a new Holyrood administration' (Image: Radmat) At some point, politicians must have the courage to call out this deception for what it is. The guiding principle that nobody should be prohibited by economic circumstances from going to university does not equate to 'universalism'. Quite the opposite is true. Universalism actually works against those who need far more support if the dial on educational attainment is ever going to move, which it hasn't done in Scotland under present policies and posturing. If public money is to be better spent in Scotland to attack poverty and disadvantage while creating a thriving economy, then shibboleths will have to be challenged. The Scottish Government has never been short of money and certainly won't be now. The question of how it is spent and wasted should be the battlefield of political debate. Another satisfactory 'u-turn' confirmed yesterday was recognition that nuclear power will be an essential component in the transition to a clean energy future. I wish the same obvious conclusion had been reached 20 years ago, when I was arguing for it within government, or could be recognised even now by the student politicians in Edinburgh. With renewables and nuclear, Scotland really could have been a world leader on net zero. Without nuclear, it will still need fossil fuels for baseload for the foreseeable future with imports, rather oddly, regarded by some as morally superior to those extracted from the North Sea. Bring on another u-turn! Brian Wilson is a former Labour Party politician. He was MP for Cunninghame North from 1987 until 2005 and served as a Minister of State from 1997 to 2003.
Glasgow Times
an hour ago
- Glasgow Times
'We strengthen Glasgow every time we invest in our communities'
This centre has been at the heart of the Ruchill community for years. It has hosted youth clubs, parent and toddler sessions, and much more. It wasn't just a building – it was a space where neighbours came together, isolation was tackled, and opportunities were created. Local people were led to believe the centre had a future. In May, the SNP City Administration proposed closing the centre permanently – despite those earlier commitments. The building has been closed since 2020. Local campaigners – including Ruchill Community Council – worked tirelessly to make their voices heard. Backed by Glasgow Labour councillors, their efforts forced the administration to delay their closure plans. But this shouldn't have happened in the first place. Ruchill is not alone. Across Glasgow, vital community facilities are being lost or left to deteriorate. From Possil to Pollok, facilities that once served communities are being shuttered, mothballed, or handed over without proper support. These aren't just administrative decisions – they are political choices, the costs of which are borne by people who rely on these spaces for connection, support, and resilience. When community centres close, we lose more than just bricks and mortar. We lose the after-school clubs keeping children safe, mental health support groups, and clubs combating loneliness. These centres are a lifeline – and it is shameful that they are being treated as expendable. Glasgow Labour will continue to stand alongside communities like Ruchill and call for both more funding from the SNP Scottish Government and political will and creative solutions from the council. In conjunction with the local community, Glasgow Labour successfully forced the SNP-led administration to defer the closure decision, but our work isn't done. We're calling for a clear, despite promises, and also upon the Scottish Government to allocate what Glasgow needs to ensure we maintain our community infrastructure. The people of Ruchill deserve better. Glasgow's communities deserve better. It's time that we valued communities. Because when we invest in communities, we don't just save buildings – we strengthen the very fabric of our city.
