
Myanmar junta offers cash rewards to anti-coup defectors
The Southeast Asian country has been consumed by civil war since a 2021 coup, with the embattled junta facing an array of pro-democracy guerillas and ethnic armed rebels.
After suffering major battlefield reverses, the military has touted elections around the end of the year as a pathway to peace -- plans denounced as a sham by opposition groups and international monitors.
State media The Global New Light of Myanmar said Friday "individuals who returned to the legal fold with arms and ammunition are being offered specific cash rewards."
The junta mouthpiece did not specify how much cash it is offering, but said 14 anti-coup fighters had surrendered since it issued a statement pledging to "welcome" defectors two weeks ago.
"These individuals chose to abandon the path of armed struggle due to their desire to live peacefully within the framework of the law," the newspaper said.
The surrendered fighters included 12 men and two women, it added.
Nine were members of ethnic armed groups, while five were from the pro-democracy "People's Defence Forces" -- formed after the military ousted Aung San Suu Kyi's elected civilian government four years ago.
The junta's offer of a gilded olive branch matches a tactic used by its opponents -- who have previously tried to tempt military deserters with cash rewards.
The "National Unity Government", a self-proclaimed administration in exile dominated by ousted lawmakers, has called the junta's call for cooperation "a strategy filled with deception aimed at legitimising their power-consolidating sham election."
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And one of the things Cambodian kings started doing was trying to get the same kind of vassalage or protection from some of the European powers that were mucking around in Southeast Asia. For instance, they approached Napoleon.' The French naturalist, Henri Mouhot, entered Cambodia through Kampot in June 1859. Mouhot found Cambodia's condition to be deplorable. The population, he noted, had been seriously reduced due to ongoing wars. Among the products he listed (tobacco, pepper, sugar, coffee, silk, and cotton), Mouhot was most interested in the cotton crop, argues academic Margaret Slocomb in An Economic History of Cambodia in the Twentieth Century (2010). This, according to Slocomb, 'might have supplemented French needs should the American Civil War interrupt trans-Atlantic trade.' Cambodian forests and the mountains containing gold, lead, copper, and iron also caught his attention. In 1860, during Mouhot's travels in the region, the Khmer king died. 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Using both threats and incentives, the French representative persuaded the king to bring peace. The king did the needful, and French administrators temporarily vested him with powers. For the next two decades, the French remained helpless. With the death of Norodom in 1904, however, they became hopeful. Au noted in her interview that the ascension of his half-brother Sisowath, chosen by the French, increased colonial involvement in Khmer society. It was during the Sisowath years (1904-27) and those of his son Monivong (1927-41) that the French economic and political reach into the Cambodian countryside grew rapidly. By 1884, France had claimed the lower Mekong Delta. By 1893, it had obtained control of Laos, central Vietnam, and northern Vietnam, and proclaimed the five 'states' of Annam, Cambodia, Cochinchina, Laos, and Tonkin as French Indochina. The résident supérieur du Cambodge (RSC) governed from the new capital city of Phnom Penh. Cambodia was further divided into several districts, each administered by a French representative, the district résident. 'Perhaps the most significant administrative reform of the Protectorate was the creation of the commune, khum…to form the administrative link between the moral law of the village with its selected chief… and the bureaucratic commands of the chauvay srok, the district chief,' says Slocomb. France was also to represent the country in its international affairs and advise on domestic policies, but domestic governance was to remain a native matter. 'In reality, the colonial government quickly encroached on all fronts in Cambodia: domestic, international, economic, and administrative,' concludes Au. The disputed border between Thailand and Cambodia was formally demarcated by the French in 1904. Charnvit Kasetsiri, Pou Sothirak, and Pavin Chachavalpongpun, in their jointly edited book, Preah Vihear: A Guide to the Thai-Cambodian Conflict and Its Solutions (2013), write: 'The force of colonial politics pressured Siam [Thailand] to conclude a treaty with France in 1907.' Consequently, Siam ceded the Cambodian territories of Battambang, Sisophon, and Siem Reap to the French. 'Generally speaking,' reckons Slocomb, 'the struggle for independence was not a widespread or mass movement.' King Norodom Sihanouk claimed that it was a series of diplomatic measures that won political and military independence for Cambodia in November 1953. According to the Constitution, 'Cambodia is a Kingdom with a King who shall rule according to the Constitution and to the principles of liberal democracy and pluralism. The Kingdom of Cambodia shall be independent, sovereign, peaceful, permanently neutral and non-aligned.' Scholars opine that French rule in Indochina suffered from inconsistencies. While the French Protectorate had a major impact on the founding institutions of modern Cambodia, 'this impact stopped short of the mass of the people, the villagers who had little contact with the French and who went out of their way to avoid them,' notes Slocomb. They regarded the French as oppressive tax-gatherers and threats to their culture. While dykes were dug, maps drawn, railroads built, and ports opened, the Protectorate failed in building a connection with the masses in healthcare services, agriculture, and industry. In agriculture, the vast majority was still engaged in subsistence rice cultivation; Industry also lagged far behind agriculture. Outside urban areas, the French colonial government did not effectively improve nutrition, ensure clean water, or educate the masses. Slocomb writes, 'French officials like Paul Collard were captivated by the charm of rural Cambodian life and seemed reluctant to affect it in any fundamental way'. Development, according to her, 'was reserved for the benefit of French investors and almost deliberately confined to isolated, gated spaces like the rubber plantations of the eastern plateaux.' However, speaking of French remnants in Cambodia, Au noted: 'Infrastructure and bureaucratic/judicial institutions resemble the French mode. Even surnames. In Cambodian society, it wasn't that widespread to have a family name.' 'One of the really interesting things is that the older generation, like my parents' generation, all speak French. And now, everyone younger than me, doesn't speak French. And that is really an artifact of colonialism and French colonial influence in the country.' Mixed Medicines: Health and Culture in French Colonial Cambodia (2011) by Sokhieng Au An Economic History of Cambodia in the Twentieth Century (2010) by Margaret Slocomb Nikita writes for the Research Section of focusing on the intersections between colonial history and contemporary issues, especially in gender, culture, and sport. For suggestions, feedback, or an insider's guide to exploring Calcutta, feel free to reach out to her at ... Read More