'Putin preparing something in Belarus': Zelenskyy makes shocking charge amid peace deal deadlock - The Economic Times Video
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has issued a fresh warning, claiming that Russia may be 'preparing something' in Belarus this summer under the guise of military exercises. Speaking at a summit in Poland, Zelensky hinted at potential hidden motives behind the joint Russia-Belarus military drills set for September.
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Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
Russia's Top Peace Negotiator Is a Historian Who Justified the War
Vladimir Medinsky first gained prominence in Russian political circles through his interpretations of the chief negotiator in peace talks with Kyiv was a lead architect of the historical revisionism that drove Russia to invade Ukraine. Now, Vladimir Medinsky is drawing on his view of history again as he tries to convince Ukraine that it would be better off unwinding its integration with the West and embracing Moscow's terms for peace. 'With Russia, it's impossible to fight a long war,' Medinsky said in an interview with The Wall Street Journal, citing Russia's 21-year war with Sweden in the 18th century as evidence that the country prevails in protracted fights. Medinsky, who spoke to the Journal after the latest round of negotiations in Istanbul, played down the impact of Ukraine's recent drone assault that destroyed at least 12 Russian bombers, saying that it hadn't cast a cloud over talks. The talks yielded no breakthrough, though the sides have agreed on a series of prisoner exchanges. President Trump, who has been pushing for a peace deal, said last week that he might let the two sides 'fight for a while.' Medinsky warned that a lack of compromise from Kyiv would only lead to more territorial losses. 'We want peace,' he said. 'But if Ukraine keeps being driven by the national interests of others, then we will be simply forced to respond.' Ukraine has long argued that it is precisely this kind of rhetoric—echoed in regular statements by Russian President Vladimir Putin—that has prevented any breakthrough in peace talks between Kyiv and Moscow. It contends that the only Russian with a mandate to decide the terms of a truce with Ukraine is Putin, and the negotiators sent by him to Istanbul were simply messengers for the Kremlin—though Ukrainian officials acknowledge Medinsky has played a role in arranging crucial prisoner swaps. 'Russians don't want peace,' said Ukraine's former defense minister, Andriy Zagorodnyuk, who currently advises the Ukrainian government. 'And we don't need Medinsky to prove this to us.' Ukrainian officials say Medinsky, during talks in Istanbul, has routinely turned to questionable interpretations of conflicts from past centuries to try to press his points on the Ukrainian team. It is through interpretations of the past that Medinsky, a bespectacled, stern 54-year-old, first achieved prominence in political circles. In the 2000s, he penned a series of popular history books titled 'Myths about Russia,' in which he assailed primitive clichés about Russian drunkenness and cruelty, examined the concept of a 'Russian soul,' and railed against claims that Russians are authoritarian at heart. As Putin's culture minister between 2012 and 2020, he pushed a more positive vision of Russia's past. The ministry sponsored a number of historical action movies—at least three of them about World War II-era tanks—with thin plotlines and video game-style shootouts that were popular with cinema audiences. Medinsky also oversaw the construction of statues to Russian historical figures across the country. The senior Putin aide has co-written Russian textbooks that have been introduced as part of a sweeping reorientation of the curriculum toward what the Kremlin calls 'patriotic education' that plays down the dark pages of Russia's past and justifies the war in Ukraine, which Moscow calls a 'special military operation.' At the June 2022 presentation of another history book series, he noted past Russian statesmen who contributed to the country's rapid territorial expansion over the centuries. 'Now it's a bit smaller,' he said of Russia's territory. 'But that's not forever.' Mikhail Zygar, a Russian author and expert on Putin's inner circle, has alleged that Medinsky is the ghostwriter for many of Putin's historical texts, including a June 2021 essay that denied Ukraine's right to statehood and introduced many themes Putin would later invoke to justify the invasion. Medinsky said he has been involved in writing notes and preparing documents for Putin, but doesn't write the texts. He has headed up Russia's delegation in talks with Ukraine since 2022, which Kyiv abandoned after Russia withdrew from Ukraine's capital and surrounding areas, and left behind evidence of atrocities that hardened Kyiv's stance. Medinsky, in his interview with the Journal, said the West's mistake is that it views the war in Ukraine as something similar to a conflict between England and France—two countries with their own distinct histories and cultures. He argued that the war with Ukraine is instead a fratricidal fight between two states with a common language and culture that are essentially one people and are destined to be close allies. 'This is like a conflict between two brothers—one older and one younger—about who is smarter and more important,' he said. 'This conflict sadly deepens our differences, and that's why we want it to end as soon as possible.' Ukraine has said Russia's view of Ukrainians as younger brothers in the same family is the kind of language that masks expansionist ambitions at the core of Moscow's campaign. 'If Russia claims to be a 'brother' to any Central or Eastern European nation, it is the Cain in the story, already holding the stone,' said Heorhii Tykhyi, spokesman for Ukraine's foreign ministry. Medinsky has warned Ukrainians that long wars with Russia end in inevitable defeat for its enemies. He cited the Great Northern War at the start of the 18th century, which pitted Peter the Great against the Swedish Empire. Peter had proposed a truce that would leave in Russia's hands only the territory of modern-day St. Petersburg, with its access to the Baltic Sea. Sweden refused and launched an ill-fated march on Moscow that ended with its crushing defeat at the Battle of Poltava in Ukraine and its later loss of the Baltic provinces. Putin has invoked that war as inspiration for the war in Ukraine, arguing that Russia today is taking back territory that rightfully belongs to it. 'That war would go on for 21 years,' Medinsky said of the fight with Sweden. 'We don't want [that]. We want peace.' But some long wars fought by Russians have ended in defeat, including a nearly decadelong invasion of Afghanistan that drained Moscow's resources and ended in 1989 with a military withdrawal that accelerated the Soviet collapse two years later. Western officials say Russia has suffered more than 10 times as many casualties in Ukraine as the Soviet Union did during the entire Afghan campaign. Write to Matthew Luxmoore at Get 360° coverage—from daily headlines to 100 year archives.
Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
Ukraine fires, Russia retaliates, but diplomacy remains on the table: Where is Europe's largest conflict of the century heading?
Russia launched nearly 500 drones and missiles at Ukraine overnight this week in "a string of record‑breaking aerial assaults". 'Russia has been stepping up its barrages in recent months,' pushing to exhaust Ukraine's air defenses amid stalling peace talks, New York Times reported shortly after Ukrainian forces reported the attack. This escalation followed Ukraine's 'Operation Spider Web' on June 1, when Ukrainian drones targeted four Russian air bases simultaneously. Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like She Was The Dream Girl In The 80s, This Is Her Recently Undo Kyiv claims up to 41 Russian aircraft were destroyed, including around 34% of its cruise missile carriers, according to Ukraine's SBU intelligence. NATO confirmed that 'over 40 aircraft were damaged, 10 to 13 ... completely destroyed' . Moscow disputes those numbers. Despite these military blows, diplomatic channels have mildly advanced. Following Istanbul talks on June 2, Ukraine and Russia agreed on a phased exchange of POWs – at least 1,200 on each side – and the return of war dead . Live Events Kyiv says the broader ceasefire discussions have 'sputtered,' with little progress beyond this humanitarian deal . Covert operations deep within Russia While ceasefire talks stagger on, Ukraine has launched a shadow war inside Russia, targeting critical infrastructure and key officials, according to a report by DW. In the latest, a series of explosions on Russian rail lines in Belgorod and Voronezh prompted terrorism investigations. Authorities say no one was injured, but the sabotage strikes mirror earlier actions including train derailments and attacks on bridges in Bryansk and Kursk on June 1 — incidents blamed on Ukrainian intelligence . Elsewhere, Ukraine has hit the Crimean Bridge, a strategic and symbolic Russian supply route. DW notes that Kyiv's SBU in June 2025 'placed underwater mines on pillars of the Crimean bridge and detonated them from a distance.' Though Russia denies serious damage, the strike briefly halted bridge traffic. Ukraine's drones have also extended their reach into military and civilian targets. Meanwhile, DW highlighted the assassination of high‑ranking Russian officers: Lieutenant General Igor Kirillov was killed in December 2024, and deputy missile designer Mikhail Shatsky, who was shot earlier this year . On the other hand, Russian aerial attacks increasingly reach beyond military objectives, hitting hospitals and other civilian infrastructure. According to The New York Times, 'Russia has been setting deadly records with the swarms of drones and missiles … often hitting civilian targets in towns and cities across the country' . Europe mobilizes: Could NATO face another war? What began as Vladimir Putin's bid to block Ukraine from joining NATO in 2022 has grown into a conflict reverberating across Europe—and now threatens the continent itself. Analysts and leaders are asking: Is Europe ready if war returns to NATO's frontiers? Europe has responded with sweeping defense measures. ABC News Australia reports that Poland plans military training for every adult male, aiming to expand its armed forces to 500,000. Norway has reinstated bomb shelter mandates for new buildings. Germany has unlocked billions to boost defense capacity. Additionally, along the eastern NATO border, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia have withdrawn from the Ottawa landmine ban in order 'to give their troops flexibility and freedom of choice to defend NATO's eastern flank' . These actions follow warnings from Danish and German intelligence that a Russian attack could materialize 'in as little as five years.' Danish Defense Minister Troels Lund Poulsen told ABC, 'It cannot be ruled out that within a three‑ to five‑year period, Russia will test Article 5 and NATO's solidarity' . Jakub Janda, Centre for Security Policy, Prague, summed it up starkly: 'If there is a ceasefire in Ukraine, time will start running out as Russia will be preparing for its campaign against NATO on a full scale' . Yet severe challenges lie ahead. Stephan Fruehling, from Australia's ANU, warns Europe still lacks sufficient manpower: 'Europe just doesn't have the forces that you need to hold front lines,' while Russian forces still number over 1.5 million active troops . The prospect of nuclear deterrence is also in flux. While NATO continues to rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella, some European nations are exploring greater strategic autonomy—looking toward France and Britain. However, their combined nuclear arsenals 'hardly compares to Russia and the U.S.,' making prospects for a European nuclear deterrent uncertain . Russia-Ukraine war: What world leaders say With battlefield momentum swinging between escalation and sabotage operations, world leaders are voicing increasing concern. Ukrainian President Zelenskiy says the POW exchange marks a rare diplomatic success: 'We count on the full implementation of the humanitarian agreements ... We are doing everything possible to bring back every single person' . The Trump administration maintains pressure for a ceasefire, though The New York Times observes Moscow is ignoring it: 'Efforts by the Trump administration to cajole both sides toward a ceasefire … sputtered' . European defense officials are unanimous: Italy, Baltic states, and Germany are investing heavily in military readiness. NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte confirmed summit talks on raising defense spending 'north of 3% of GDP' . Analysts suggest the next 12 months may prove decisive. Europe is arming and training; Ukraine is striking back; Russia is targeting civilian infrastructure with impunity. Stephan Fruehling puts it plainly: 'The good times were over in Western Europe' after Ukraine's full-scale invasion . Now, with European nations awakening to a grim new reality, the question remains: Will deterrence hold—or is Europe already in its next war?
Mint
2 hours ago
- Mint
Russia's top peace negotiator is a historian who justified the war
ISTANBUL—Moscow's chief negotiator in peace talks with Kyiv was a lead architect of the historical revisionism that drove Russia to invade Ukraine. Now, Vladimir Medinsky is drawing on his view of history again as he tries to convince Ukraine that it would be better off unwinding its integration with the West and embracing Moscow's terms for peace. 'With Russia, it's impossible to fight a long war," Medinsky said in an interview with The Wall Street Journal, citing Russia's 21-year war with Sweden in the 18th century as evidence that the country prevails in protracted fights. Medinsky, who spoke to the Journal after the latest round of negotiations in Istanbul, played down the impact of Ukraine's recent drone assault that destroyed at least 12 Russian bombers, saying that it hadn't cast a cloud over talks. The talks yielded no breakthrough, though the sides have agreed on a series of prisoner exchanges. President Trump, who has been pushing for a peace deal, said last week that he might let the two sides 'fight for a while." Medinsky warned that a lack of compromise from Kyiv would only lead to more territorial losses. 'We want peace," he said. 'But if Ukraine keeps being driven by the national interests of others, then we will be simply forced to respond." Ukraine has long argued that it is precisely this kind of rhetoric—echoed in regular statements by Russian President Vladimir Putin—that has prevented any breakthrough in peace talks between Kyiv and Moscow. It contends that the only Russian with a mandate to decide the terms of a truce with Ukraine is Putin, and the negotiators sent by him to Istanbul were simply messengers for the Kremlin—though Ukrainian officials acknowledge Medinsky has played a role in arranging crucial prisoner swaps. 'Russians don't want peace," said Ukraine's former defense minister, Andriy Zagorodnyuk, who currently advises the Ukrainian government. 'And we don't need Medinsky to prove this to us." Ukrainian officials say Medinsky, during talks in Istanbul, has routinely turned to questionable interpretations of conflicts from past centuries to try to press his points on the Ukrainian team. It is through interpretations of the past that Medinsky, a bespectacled, stern 54-year-old, first achieved prominence in political circles. In the 2000s, he penned a series of popular history books titled 'Myths about Russia," in which he assailed primitive clichés about Russian drunkenness and cruelty, examined the concept of a 'Russian soul," and railed against claims that Russians are authoritarian at heart. As Putin's culture minister between 2012 and 2020, he pushed a more positive vision of Russia's past. The ministry sponsored a number of historical action movies—at least three of them about World War II-era tanks—with thin plotlines and video game-style shootouts that were popular with cinema audiences. Medinsky also oversaw the construction of statues to Russian historical figures across the country. The senior Putin aide has co-written Russian textbooks that have been introduced as part of a sweeping reorientation of the curriculum toward what the Kremlin calls 'patriotic education" that plays down the dark pages of Russia's past and justifies the war in Ukraine, which Moscow calls a 'special military operation." At the June 2022 presentation of another history book series, he noted past Russian statesmen who contributed to the country's rapid territorial expansion over the centuries. 'Now it's a bit smaller," he said of Russia's territory. 'But that's not forever." Mikhail Zygar, a Russian author and expert on Putin's inner circle, has alleged that Medinsky is the ghostwriter for many of Putin's historical texts, including a June 2021 essay that denied Ukraine's right to statehood and introduced many themes Putin would later invoke to justify the invasion. Medinsky said he has been involved in writing notes and preparing documents for Putin, but doesn't write the texts. He has headed up Russia's delegation in talks with Ukraine since 2022, which Kyiv abandoned after Russia withdrew from Ukraine's capital and surrounding areas, and left behind evidence of atrocities that hardened Kyiv's stance. Medinsky, in his interview with the Journal, said the West's mistake is that it views the war in Ukraine as something similar to a conflict between England and France—two countries with their own distinct histories and cultures. He argued that the war with Ukraine is instead a fratricidal fight between two states with a common language and culture that are essentially one people and are destined to be close allies. 'This is like a conflict between two brothers—one older and one younger—about who is smarter and more important," he said. 'This conflict sadly deepens our differences, and that's why we want it to end as soon as possible." Ukraine has said Russia's view of Ukrainians as younger brothers in the same family is the kind of language that masks expansionist ambitions at the core of Moscow's campaign. 'If Russia claims to be a 'brother' to any Central or Eastern European nation, it is the Cain in the story, already holding the stone," said Heorhii Tykhyi, spokesman for Ukraine's foreign ministry. Medinsky has warned Ukrainians that long wars with Russia end in inevitable defeat for its enemies. He cited the Great Northern War at the start of the 18th century, which pitted Peter the Great against the Swedish Empire. Peter had proposed a truce that would leave in Russia's hands only the territory of modern-day St. Petersburg, with its access to the Baltic Sea. Sweden refused and launched an ill-fated march on Moscow that ended with its crushing defeat at the Battle of Poltava in Ukraine and its later loss of the Baltic provinces. Putin has invoked that war as inspiration for the war in Ukraine, arguing that Russia today is taking back territory that rightfully belongs to it. 'That war would go on for 21 years," Medinsky said of the fight with Sweden. 'We don't want [that]. We want peace." But some long wars fought by Russians have ended in defeat, including a nearly decadelong invasion of Afghanistan that drained Moscow's resources and ended in 1989 with a military withdrawal that accelerated the Soviet collapse two years later. Western officials say Russia has suffered more than 10 times as many casualties in Ukraine as the Soviet Union did during the entire Afghan campaign. Write to Matthew Luxmoore at
