
Analysis reveals Cambodia as primary escalator in Thai border conflict
The Australian Strategic Policy Institute analyst examined data from February to July, identifying 33 Cambodian escalatory events versus 14 Thai actions. His timeline, based on observable military developments, shows Cambodia systematically fortified border positions months before clashes that killed 12 people on Thursday.
Mr Ruser clarified that the identification of military equipment and units moving towards the Cambodian border came from official situation reports, not from satellite imagery.
Early fortification evidence
Satellite imagery detected the first Cambodian tactical improvements between Feb 23 and 28, when troops cleared and upgraded a frontline road at Sam Yaek Lao junction in Chong Bok. This marked the beginning of sustained military preparations visible from space.
By mid-March, imagery showed Cambodian forces constructing access roads to the strategic Phnom Prasitthi hilltop, directly opposite Thai positions. Between March 18 and 23, satellite data revealed heavy fortification of this strategic base.
Further fortified positions appeared on satellite imagery throughout March, including a substantial outpost at Hill-641 within 300 metres of the border by March 25. Aerial photography later confirmed the extensive nature of these fortifications.
Escalating military deployment
Following a May 28 firefight that killed a Cambodian warrant officer, satellite tracking detected massive troop movements. Within 24 hours, imagery showed Cambodia deploying about 800 to 1,000 troops, including elite forces, rocket artillery and armoured units, to border areas.
By May 30, satellite data confirmed deployment of approximately 12 SH-1 155mm self-propelled artillery vehicles from Preah Vihear command to frontline positions – nine to Ta Muen Thom sector, three to Chong Bok.
Satellite imagery from June 5 revealed around 30 T-55 tanks positioned near Preah Vihear temple, stationed at the intersection between the temple and Phnom Prasitthi outpost.
Landmine deployment detected
Satellite analysis identified systematic explosive device placement beginning July 1. Imagery showed Cambodian Engineering Battalion 392 planting over 120 PMN-2 landmines on Hill 570's eastern slopes, expanding to over 300 mines by July 3.
Additional satellite data detected another 100 landmines planted in the Emerald Triangle area by July 10. These weapons later caused casualties among Thai forces, with two separate incidents resulting in soldier amputations.
Weapons positioning evidence
June satellite imagery confirmed deployment of short-range air defence vehicles to Chong Bok sector on July 4. Earlier imagery from June 14 supported Thai military claims that Cambodia had positioned long-range artillery targeting the Thai town of Kantharalak.
The final escalation occurred on Thursday when widespread artillery attacks in the Ta Muen Thom temple area killed 11 Thai civilians and one soldier, with Ruser's heatmap showing concentrated Cambodian military activity throughout the day.
Timeline verification
Ruser's satellite-based analysis covers the complete escalation period, beginning with the Feb 13 temple incident through the July 24 clashes. The imagery evidence supports his assessment that Cambodia conducted systematic military preparations whilst diplomatic efforts proceeded.
Key satellite-verified developments include road construction, hilltop fortifications, artillery positioning, tank deployments, and explosive device placement – all observable through overhead imagery analysis.
The satellite expert, whose work on conflict zones including Ukraine and Myanmar has gained international media recognition, concluded that observable military evidence clearly shows Cambodia as the primary escalator in the border dispute.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Bangkok Post
25 minutes ago
- Bangkok Post
PM 'has no plan' to quit before ruling
Prommin Lertsuridej, secretary-general to suspended prime minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, rejected reports which suggest the premier would resign before the Constitutional Court issues a ruling on the leaked recording of her conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. Several media reports claimed Ms Paetongtarn is planning to quit as premier before the court hands down the ruling to avoid a guilty verdict in the case. If she steps down early, the case would be aborted, saving her from a political ban that comes with an unfavourable ruling. Responding to questions from the press about the rumour, Dr Prommin said on Monday there was no truth to such reports. "I can confirm that she has no intention to resign at this time," he said. "We are proceeding in strict accordance with the law, and we stand by the legitimacy of our actions." Dr Prommin said Ms Paetongtarn was confident about her prospects, as she had no other intentions but to guide the country away from the security crisis unfolding along the border. He said as the nation's leader, Ms Paetongtarn consulted thoroughly with security agencies, including the military and the National Security Council, before implementing any measures. She made informal calls to individuals outside official channels to help defuse tensions and prevent violent confrontations with Cambodia, Dr Prommin said. "I believe her intention was to act responsibly as the country's leader. Despite being suspended from official duties by the Constitutional Court, she respects the court's authority and awaits its ruling. "She hopes the decision will reflect her commitment and determination to guide Thailand towards peace as swiftly as possible," Dr Prommin said. When asked whether the explanation submitted to the court, if viewed strictly in legal terms, could potentially constitute an ethical breach, Dr Prommin said the facts of the case, surrounding circumstances, and relevant legal provisions had all been carefully considered. He said the written statement had clearly addressed the ethical allegations and cited pertinent legal statutes.

Bangkok Post
an hour ago
- Bangkok Post
Trade rep chief touts future-ready sectors
Amid rising geopolitical tensions and economic fragmentation, Thailand must adapt with agility, deepen international cooperation and invest in future-ready sectors and people. More recently, Thailand and other countries have experienced trade wars, geopolitical fragmentation, supply chain decoupling and a worsening climate crisis, all of which have shaped and impacted markets. "Today, there is a loss of predictability, trust, and economic clarity. Uncertainty has become the new normal," said Nalinee Taveesin, president of Thailand Trade Representatives. Adapting trade policies Mrs Nalinee said Indo-Pacific has become the epicentre of the intensified US-China rivalry, reflecting the region's central role in global supply chains and economic interdependence. To remain competitive in this environment, Thailand is adjusting its trade strategy to both shield itself from external disruptions and seize new market opportunities. She said Thailand remains firmly committed to the multilateral trading system. But officials are also actively pursuing free trade agreements with the European Union (EU), the United Kingdom and South Korea, while deepening regional integration through Asean, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and bilateral deals with countries like Bhutan and Sri Lanka. "Advancing trade connectivity in all dimensions, promoting high-quality investment and diversifying markets are crucial to insulating the Thai economy from effects of tariff wars between major powers," said Mrs Nalinee. She added that Thailand is also making a bold bid to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, a move that would align the country with high-income, innovation-led economies and require comprehensive reforms. Domestically, she said Thailand is building supply chains that are resilient to shocks and ready for the future. The Eastern Economic Corridor is designed to become the region's premier hub for advanced manufacturing, logistics and innovation, and a gateway to Asean's markets. Thailand has been undergoing a digital transformation and preparing for the future of work. In order to ensure that this digital transformation is inclusive, the government has been helping small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) access digital tools, financing and cross-border platforms. Promising markets, sectors Mrs Nalinee said Thailand's future trade success will depend not only on preserving traditional markets but also on diversifying its economic footprint. The government is exploring new high-potential markets such as Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and the Eurasian Economic Union. The goal is to increase export share to these markets to reduce over-reliance on any single market. She pointed out that the Middle East and the EU have emerged as high-potential export markets. In 2024, the EU was Thailand's fifth-largest export market, with US$24.2 billion in trade, while the Middle East stood sixth, with $11.8 billion. Mrs Nalinee also pointed out promising sectors for Thailand's exports. They are digital economy and smart technologies; electric vehicles (EVs) and components; semiconductors and advanced electronics; medical and wellness and tourism/healthcare services; and logistics and connectivity. "Instead of relying solely on traditional cost-based advantages, Thailand can step up as a hub for strategic resilience -- building strengths in areas like smart electronics, digital technology, sustainable and green investment," she said. She added that the establishment of the National Semiconductor Board and massive investments in digital infrastructure like AI and data centres highlight the country's pivot towards future-focused industries. Green transformation key Mrs Nalinee highlighted Thailand's ambition to lead Southeast Asia's transition to sustainable development through its bio-circular-green economic model. This approach integrates bio-economy, circular economy and green economy principles by focusing on sustainable resource utilisation, waste reduction and environmental conservation. "Thailand is determined to lead Asean as a green manufacturing hub and achieve net-zero emissions by 2065," she said. Workforce development Mrs Nalinee said a key factor that could determine Thailand's success or failure in this new era is human capital. She explained that the Thai government is investing heavily in workforce development. Its ambitious plans include training 280,000 workers for high-tech sectors like AI, EVs, and semiconductors over the next five years. At least 10 million people are expected to gain basic AI skills, with 90,000 trained as AI professionals and 50,000 AI developers. In parallel, Thailand is promoting its soft power through the "One Family, One Soft Power" initiative, with the government supporting local creators in food, fashion, festivals, film, design and digital content. SMEs promotion Mrs Nalinee pointed out the importance of promoting and strengthening SMEs during these challenging and unpredictable times. She said the Board of Investment has introduced targeted measures to help SMEs adapt to global shifts including support for technology adoption and suspending investment promotion for businesses likely to create oversupply or those at risk of trade restrictions from the US or other countries. It also tightens scrutiny on key production processes for certain industries vulnerable to US trade measures, such as auto parts, electronics and metal products; and tightens criteria and screening regarding the hiring of foreign personnel in proportion to Thai personnel for manufacturing activities.

Bangkok Post
an hour ago
- Bangkok Post
Asean's charm offensive in full swing
In what can only be described as a stunning diplomatic move, US President Donald Trump has personally confirmed his attendance at the 47th Asean-related summits on Oct 26-28 in Kuala Lumpur. His early commitment made directly to Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim breaks with protocol and represents a rare gesture of goodwill toward Asean. US presidents typically delay such confirmations until the last minute, often treating Asean events as an afterthought compared to bilateral or multilateral summits with higher strategic returns. Even when confirmed, the level of representation is frequently downgraded. With Mr Trump now expected in town, Malaysia can plan. Beyond the 13th Asean-US Summit, new initiatives and side events can be organised to capitalise on his presence. That said, Mr Trump is always prone to changing his mind. During his first term, Mr Trump's engagement with Asean was spotty at best. He attended only the 5th Asean-US Summit in November 2017 and left the East Asia Summit halfway through. This time, however, he appears to be rewarding Mr Anwar for brokering the Thai-Cambodian ceasefire deal. At a recent press conference, Mr Anwar publicly credited Mr Trump for the initiative. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thailand's acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai also expressed their gratitude. Asean leaders have since showered Mr Trump with praise, augmenting his ego. After all, "gaining face" is part of Asean's cultural DNA. Mr Trump's decision to attend is an acknowledgement of Asean as a pivotal regional group despite his preference for transactional engagement. The summit is expected to draw numerous heads of state. There would be one-on-one sideline meetings. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who shares decades of personal rapport with Mr Anwar, has been invited to attend the Asean summit. The Malaysian chair also plans to invite other influential guests to Kuala Lumpur. In his second term, having spent considerable time focused on Middle East diplomacy, Mr Trump may finally discover that Asean leaders are more cooperative and more pleasant to deal with. The Thai-Cambodian truce only materialised because of the region's diplomatic resilience, led by a Muslim leader mediating between two Buddhist-majority countries. For Mr Trump, this is a rare political opportunity that could bolster his resume for a Nobel Peace Prize nomination. To leave his mark on Asean, however, Mr Trump must surpass the record of his predecessor and political rival, President Barack Obama, who during his two terms (2008–2016) became one of the region's most popular Western leaders. Mr Obama attended seven Asean summits. Most memorably, during the 37th Asean Summit in Kuala Lumpur in 2015, he personally invited all Asean leaders to a special and stand-alone US-Asean summit at Sunnylands, California, in February 2016. That event was pulled together in just three months, which was amazingly fast by diplomatic standards. It also marked the first time that the US formally recognised Asean centrality in its official documents. Mr Trump could eclipse Mr Obama's Asean legacy through three straightforward steps. First of all, he could serve as the leading guarantor of peace and stability in the region. Branding himself the "President of Peace", Mr Trump could build on the Thai-Cambodian truce and offer his hand in other regional flashpoints. But it must be an Asean-led process. Secondly, he should revive the special US-Asean summit he had planned in Las Vegas during his first term but had to cancel due to Covid-19. The idea of gathering Asean leaders in Las Vegas -- a city with casinos -- holds a unique allure. It could be a soft-power spectacle to reinvigorate US-Asean ties. Finally, Mr Trump should restart the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, the signature Obama-era program connecting over 60,000 young leaders across Asean and its dialogue partners. The initiative was shelved after his administration gutted USAID. Mr Trump can flip the script by relaunching it under a new name -- perhaps "Trump's Young Southeast Asian Leadership Initiative". If Mr Trump achieves these three goals, he could easily surpass Mr Obama's standing in Southeast Asia. A few well-placed words in Bahasa Malayu -- such as madani (civilised), terima kasih (thank you), and apa khabar (how are you) --would go a long way. Mr Obama endeared himself to Indonesians with similar linguistic gestures. And yes, lowering US tariffs -- still a steep 19% for Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, and the Philippines -- before arriving would not hurt either. With five months remaining in his Asean chairmanship, Mr Anwar must act swiftly to consolidate the bloc's credibility in crisis management. Top priority would be to make tangible progress on the four-and-a-half-year Myanmar quagmire. With renewed moral authority, Asean under Mr Anwar can engage more effectively with all Myanmar stakeholders to push for substantive progress for the Asean Five-Point Consensus. Myanmar's junta has announced plans to hold elections between late December and early January as part of its exit strategy. However, the international community has widely condemned the move as a facade to legitimise military rule. At the upcoming summit, the Asean chair can press for a more inclusive process, urging the junta to broaden participation. At the same time, dialogue among all parties must begin, though they remain deeply out of sync. Nay Pyi Taw, for its part, believes it can still hold the elections, which will reportedly cover 267 of Myanmar's 330 townships, roughly 80% of the country. It will rely on locally manufactured electronic voting machines. Resistance forces, however, reject the elections and still remain active in rural battlefields. Here, the Asean chair can enlist major powers -- particularly the US, China, India, and Russia -- to help push all parties toward dialogue and an eventual ceasefire. These dialogue partners and Asean will be essential in guaranteeing Myanmar's stability in the future. The recent ceasefire agreement between Myanmar and armed ethic groups was no mere optics as it was a carefully calibrated diplomatic moment. It helps demonstrate that Asean is not just a talk shop. Given the current fractured geopolitical landscape, the October summit is shaping up to be one of the most consequential in Asean history. The chair must use the opportunity presented by Mr Trump's presence and other global leaders to secure firm commitments that will reinforce Asean's strategic autonomy for years to come.