Haiti's volatile capital is in a free fall. Here's what its collapse could look like
For months, Haiti's criminal gangs have been pushing the country's capital further into chaos, forcing the shutdown of public offices and schools and sending tens of thousands of people under a hail of gunfire into soiled makeshift camps with no potable water, no latrines and no hope.
Avenue John Brown, one of three main roads that connect downtown Port-au-Prince to affluent Pétion-Ville, was once a scene of teeming street merchants and bumper-to-bumper traffic. Now, its lower reaches have been transformed into heaps of destruction as residents and businesses flee the historical downtown area, and police try to resist the onslaught of the heavily armed gunmen.
The situation is critical in downtown Port-au-Prince, where gangs have been fighting to secure control over the neighborhoods of Canapé-Vert and Pacot. Control of the residential communities and others nearby would put gangs within reach of Pétion-Ville and allow them to further control the region's key resources.
From Carrefour Feuilles and Christ-Roi to Nazon and Delmas, Haiti's most powerful warlords have been circling. They've divided the capital, each taking a corner as part of their recent territorial gains — Izo, Ti Lapli in the south; Chen Mechan and Jeff Canaan in the north, Lanmo SanJou and Vitel'homme in the east. Members of the powerful Viv Ansanm gang coalition, all have been closing the gap ever since an attack in the once peaceful mountainside of Kenscoff in late January created a security lapse that left key Port-au-Prince neighborhoods unprotected and vulnerable to attack.
With dozens of roads, including many leading to the main international airport, now in gang territory, the encircling of the capital is leaving just one question: How long can Haiti's ill-equipped national police and small military, along with the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission, resist the siege before Port-au-Prince or Pétion-Ville collapses?
Compounding the problem, the Trump administration, which has an ongoing ban on U.S. flights landing in the capital, is canceling immigration protections and work permits as of Tuesday for over 200,000 Haitians in the U.S. and asking them to self-deport home.
'The situation is full of uncertainties, but morbid symptoms are everywhere,' said Robert Fatton, a retired Haiti-born professor of political science and longtime watcher of his country's cycle of crises. 'This is a calamity. From abroad it looks like the country is simply falling into the abyss, but I am not sure what Haitians in Haiti will or can do to stop this fall.'
The pivotal moment, several police officers told the Miami Herald, came when police failed to heed the warnings of a pending attack on Kenscoff, and police responded by redeploying five armored vehicles from downtown up the hillside to reinforce the area's rural hamlets. The vehicles had been strategically stationed to prevent the neighborhoods from falling into gang hands. The removal of the vehicles, coupled with the loss of three additional armored vehicles, created the opening that has allowed gangs in recent weeks to launch simultaneous attacks and control access in and out of the metropolitan area.
Now gangs have seized control of the last open road through the mountains to the south, the southeast, Nippes and Grand-Anse, trapping the capital's four million people, and are moving closer to Pétion-Ville.
On Monday, residents in nearby Laboule, Thomassin and communities around Kenscoff issued calls for help, saying gangs were circling and demanding passage to go after the 'bourgeoisie.'
'A bunch of children are burning people's homes,' a voice message shared on WhatsApp said. 'We are sounding the alarm; the population in the mountains can't take it anymore.'
The gangs' recent expansion into the mountains and in areas such as Nazon and Delmas 30, which puts them within striking distance of the headquarters of one of the country's biggest banks, along with Delmas 19, located less than a mile from the government-owned Radio Television Nationale d'Haiti, has rich and poor alike afraid. Any further expansion into Delmas, for example, could lead to a closure of the airspace because air traffic controllers and airport employees would no longer be able to safely commute to work.
This is not the first time Port-au-Prince has been on the brink of falling into the hands of Viv Ansanm. But it's the closest it's been.
Last year as gang leaders united under the Viv Ansanm banner and launched simultaneous attacks across the capital in effort to bring down the government, the U.S. and the Caribbean Community intervened. They forced the ouster of the prime minister and helped Haitians put in place a new transition to restore security and pave the way to elections.
A year later, neither has occurred. The transition has been marred by ongoing disagreements, political tensions, infighting and what security experts describe as a lack of a cohesive strategy for fighting the gangs. Today, areas once considered safe two months ago are now empty or blocked by barricades.
Joint operations between the Kenya-led force and police have forced gang members to retreat in some areas. But security analysts are warning that without long-term police presence, gangs may reoccupy vacated areas.
Last month, a government task force began dropping explosive drones in gangs' strongholds. But the attacks haven't neutralized the gangs.
'As armed groups expand their control, government institutions have retreated, leaving critical infrastructure unprotected,' Halo Solutions Firm, a security company in the capital, said in its most recent weekly report and analysis on the evolving crisis. 'More than 50 official buildings, including ministries, courts, port facilities, schools, and other strategic institutions, have been vacated, signaling a significant decline in state authority over the capital.'
This is most noticeable around the Champ-de-Mars, the public square across from the presidential palace and defense ministry. Last week government offices in the area were told to remove computers and other valuables. Elsewhere, banks and private firms were frantically making calls trying to relocate to houses and hotel rooms in Petion-Ville.
So what would the fall of Port-au-Prince look like? Most experts in and out of Haiti say the embattled nine-member Transitional Presidential Council would no longer be able to function, and the gangs would take over the symbols of power. These include the offices of the country's beleaguered transitional authorities and the National Palace, and Pétion-Ville either on the verge of collapse or invaded by armed groups.
'A clear sign would be the closing of the American embassy and the departure of the presidential council and prime minister,' said Fatton.
The fighting has already temporarily shuttered the doors of the French embassy, and is moving closer to Canada's embassy in Delmas 75. The violence also is but a few miles from the Villa d'Accueil in Musseau, where the offices of the ruling council are located.
The presidential council, already weakened and with its claim to legitimacy dwindling, would certainly lose power in a collapse. Can it become a government in exile if it functions from Cap-Haïtien, the northern port city where the staff of some international institutions have been fleeing?
'What will the U.S. do? It does not look like Washington has a plan. Perhaps negotiations may occur between the presidential council and the gangs to avoid a bloodbath,' Fatton said.
The United States appears to have no current no Haiti policy. The Dominican Republic, Haiti's closest neighbor, has reinforced its land border with its military and recently designated more than a dozen Haitian gangs as 'terrorist organizations.' The move has raised concerns about whether Haiti's neighbor would deploy troops on Haitian soil if there's a takeover of the country by the gangs.
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Whereas National Guard troops assist citizens after natural disasters and have the advantage of knowing the communities they serve, active-duty forces are primarily trained to 'see the enemy and neutralize the enemy,' said Mark Cancian, a retired Marine colonel now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. 'When you're dealing with U.S. citizens, no matter what they're doing, that's not the right mindset.' 'This is not Fallujah,' Bowman added. 'This is Los Angeles.' Juliette Kayyem: Trump's gross misuse of the National Guard This morning, Hegseth made his first congressional appearance since his bruising confirmation process, appearing before a House committee. His tone with Democrats was at times combative. 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'We're not going to rest until there's a comprehensive plan for Haiti that is led by the Haitian authorities and has the full support of all the other countries in the world and the international community. That's our goal, that's our objective,' he said. But that plan, Rae said can't just focus on the security crisis. It has to also involve addressing the root causes of Haiti's perennial instability and worsening violence, which include poverty, exclusion and inequality. 'We all know it as well that the security situation feeds on the inequality and feeds on the unemployment; it feeds on the vulnerability of people, the fact that kids can't get any work, there's no work for them anywhere else, and the human trafficking that goes on. It's terrible,' said Rae, who also chairs the Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Haiti at the U.N. and has visited the country on several occasions. 'The level of violence is out of sight, and the level of safety not only in Port-au-Prince, but in the country generally, is a level that nobody can see as acceptable. 'We've got to have a coherent, effective on the ground strategy to deal with it. That's where there's a whole lot more that could happen if we could get a political will from the communities around Haiti, and also, more broadly, to support what needs to be done.' In recent months, a Haitian government task force operating out of the prime minister's office has turned to using weaponized drones to go after gang leaders after signing contracts with two private security firms. However, there has been no transparency on the value of the contracts or the rules of engagement. The government also hasn't said how it's planning on tackling the crisis, including how to stop the recruitment of children by armed groups. According to the UNICEF, the U.N.'s child welfare agency, an estimated 30% to 50% of gang members in Haiti are children, some as young as 8 years-old, and their recruitment has been soaring. 'When people say to me, 'Well, development is not so important. The real issue is security.' I say to them, you can't separate out the two, those two things go together,' Rae said. 'And you can't separate out development and security from human rights and from creating a sense of opportunity for people.' Ahead of the meeting, which will be broadcast on UN web TV, Rae and the special representative for the U.N. secretary general in Haiti, María Isabel Salvador, will host a press conference. Then they will move into discussions in addition to a representative of civil society, invitations have also been extended to senior U.N. officials, Haitian government officials and the Inter-American Development Bank. IDB President Ilan Goldfajn visited Haiti's second largest city, Cap-Haïtien, last month. Goldfajn's visit is part of efforts by Haitian authorities to get the international community to pay closer attention to areas outside of the gang-ridden capital that are also in need of attention. In a communique on Tuesday, Spain's Embassy in Port-au-Prince said that its ambassador, Marco Antonio Peñin Toledano, recently visited several project sponsored by the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation, known as ACEID, in the cities of Miragoâne in the Nippes region and Les Cayes. The ambassador participated in an inauguration ceremony for the rehabilitation and expansion of the drinking water supply system in the city of Miragoâne, as well as visited a similar project in Les Cayes. He also learned about other initiatives supported by Haitian civil society and Spain. During his three day tour of the region the ambassador also met with the nongovernmental organization, Biwo dwa moun, which is currently implementing a project 'Defending the Human Rights of Women, Children and Vulnerable Groups in Port-au-Prince, Cayes, Coteax, and Aquin' with funding from ACEID. The joint meeting of ECOSOC, which is responsible for coordinating the U.N.'s international work on economic and social issues, and the Peacebuilding Commission will focus on measures to address community-level peacebuilding and violence reduction, including the role of women and youth. Among the questions that will be tackled, what can the international community do to help accelerate efforts in Haiti and how can civil society help. Rae is prioritizing discussions around the recruitment of children, who now make up 30% to 50% of gangs, and prevention efforts as well as their safe exits. The issue of arms trafficking, most of which are coming from the U.S. via ports in South Florida, will also be raised. Also likely to come up is the ongoing effects of aid cuts. Last week, the World Food Program said that its warehouses in Haiti are bare and there was just enough food stock until July. An effort by the U.N. to raise $908.2 million for its Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti has so far only garnered 9% of funding. Meanwhile, both the country and U.N. agencies are continuing to reel from recent U.S. government foreign aid cuts and the gutting of the U.S. Agency for International Development, USAID. USAID has been a funder of foreign aid to Haiti, where in addition to the more than 1 million people internally displaced by gangs, the country is among one of the world's worst hot spots for hunger with 5.7 million Haitians, nearly half of the population, facing hunger. 'No question, the USAID decisions in Haiti have been devastating. They have had a massively negative impact on what's going on. But we also need to recognize that there needs to be other ways. We can't just throw up our hands and say, 'This is awful.' We've got to figure out, what more can we do?' Rae said. 'That's what Canada is doing, and that's what we all are continuing to do, to see 'Okay, these decisions are being made. We don't agree with the decisions, but we've got to move forward and see what else we can do.' That's the spirit with which we're addressing this thing.' In addition to providing foreign assistance to Haiti, Canada is the leading financial contributor to a U.N. Trust Fund to support the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission in Haiti. As of Monday, the fund had $111.9 million in pledges with the country of Denmark being the latest to offer $1.5 million last month.