logo
The smart way Ukraine is keeping its F-16s safe from Russia could be key to airpower survival in modern war

The smart way Ukraine is keeping its F-16s safe from Russia could be key to airpower survival in modern war

Yahoo31-07-2025
Ukraine has a new way to continue a key strategy for keeping its air force alive.
It has new complexes to keep its F-16s moving, away from fixed bases.
The West has been increasingly embracing dispersal, and Ukraine has shown how important it is.
Being able to fight from non-traditional locations is a growing priority for the West amid concerns about peer-level conflict against a foe like Russia or China and the risk that fixed bases could be destroyed early in a conflict.
For Ukraine, dispersal and mobility, while maintaining agility, have been critical to the country's air forces surviving Russia's onslaught.
Ukraine is using two new truck-mounted complexes to support its US-made F-16 fighter jets with mission planning, maintenance, and munitions. These systems, developed and provided by the group Come Back Alive with support from Ukraine's military and energy sector, replace functions typically confined to fixed bases.
One of the new complexes has a command post and workstations for mission planning and briefings for pilots, as well as space for personnel to rest, and another comes with a workshop for testing and prepping weapons and trucks for putting munitions on the planes.
It's very important because "Ukrainian airfields are one of the enemy's priority targets, so it's becoming increasingly difficult to keep the aircraft safe," Come Back Alive said. Ukraine also has not been able to build the support infrastructure its F-16s need, so flexible solutions are required.
Tim Robinson, a military aviation specialist at the UK'S Royal Aeronautical Society, described it as a very innovative step that could be "critical" to helping Ukraine's few F-16s survive.
"You actually need to keep F-16s on the move, shift these vehicles around, and allow them to keep operating in these conditions where Russia is looking for them," Robinson said. With steps like this, he added, Ukraine is "getting to where a lot of NATO would like to be."
Ukraine's dispersal
Keeping aircraft dispersed and disaggregated has stopped Ukraine's air force, far smaller than Russia's, from being wiped out. A US general said Ukraine lost relatively few of its aircraft on the ground in the first 18 months because "they very seldom will take off and land at the same airfield."
Russia, on the other hand, didn't noticeably start trying to disperse its aircraft until Ukraine started hitting its bases with long-range drones, putting the war on Russian soil. And even though Russia now moves its aircraft to keep them safe, Ukraine continues to score hits on Russian aircraft due to the tendency to keep them clustered.
Ukraine has had more success in targeting Russian air bases than the Russians have hitting the Ukrainian ones.
Many Western nations depend heavily on permanent bases and fixed installations to support their aircraft fleet, which works well in peacetime or in conflict scenarios in which the opposing force lacks the means to reach them, as has been the case in Middle East conflicts over the past few decades. But countries with far more advanced arsenals and the capacity to eliminate enemy airpower on the ground make it necessary to have alternatives.
A sense of urgency in the West
The West has been leaning into dispersal, disaggregation, and fighting from austere locations amid concerns over both Russia and China. China's military has a growing reach, making US bases across the Pacific more vulnerable, and Russia is also on a war footing, increasing its missile output.
Amid efforts to boost air defenses, others are aimed at ensuring essential allied airpower isn't a sitting duck.
This is a driving force, for instance, behind what the US Air Force calls its Agile Combat Employment strategy, which involves operating from dispersed locations and keeping airpower agile and flexible. It considers this practice critical in the Pacific as China's military expands .
The US and allies want less reliance on traditional runways because it is much harder to target every piece of concrete in a country than it is to prosecute air bases.
Some fighter aircraft, like Sweden's Gripen, are built for rugged operations, and aircraft like MQ-9 Reaper drones and A-10 Warthogs have taken off and landed on dirt airstrips. Other jets like F-16s and newer F-35s have executed highway landings alongside other planes, and big C-130 transport aircraft have even landed on beaches.
The urgency has been ramped up as militaries closely watch Russia's war to see how it is fighting and to see what sort of changes they may need to make.
Robinsons said many Western militaries were already looking at dispersal, but "Ukraine has just kind of accelerated that, fast-tracked it, and put it back into people's minds."
A French lieutenant colonel, for instance, said that a 2023 dispersal exercise conducted involving British, American, and French air forces was "the new way of doing it, in order to face the peer threats that we are having at the moment."
The US has also noted the change. Gen. Kevin Schneider, Commander of US Pacific Air Forces, said in March that "the days of operating from secure, fixed bases are over," saying that the threats in the Indo-Pacific region require "a flexible, resilient force that can operate from multiple, dispersed locations under contested conditions."
Jarmo Lindberg, a former Finnish fighter pilot who served as commander of the Finnish Defense Forces, told Business Insider last year that front-line NATO countries should adopt more dispersal tactics.
He said Finland, which borders Russia and designed its military with a Russian threat in mind, has embraced the idea of dispersal for decades, including by having road bases and jets that can use civilian airfields, not just military ones.
Big changes, though, are hard, hugely expensive, and can make air operations less efficient.
A former Western air force intelligence officer, who spoke to BI on condition of anonymity as he was not authorized to speak about what he learned in the role, said it's "a cultural thing that most Western air forces are used to operating from centralized bases."
But he said there needs to be some change away from full centralization, as "lining them all up to get whacked is not really an option."
A different sort of war
Ukraine's fight against Russia isn't necessarily what a peer-level conflict involving the West would look like. The West has far larger air forces and more advanced jets than Ukraine's. Kyiv, meanwhile, has Soviet-era jets and only a handful of used F-16s and Mirages.
There are still important lessons in this war, though.
Warnings that the West may not be ready for a major war with a near-peer adversary are now sparking major defense spending, and the air war is front of mind. Watching Ukraine, there's a growing realization, for example, that there is a huge shortage of ground-based air defenses in the West. These are vital systems for protecting bases and other targets.
Taras Chmut, the director of Come Back Alive, highlighted how different this fight is for Ukraine compared to how the jets were used by Western partners.
"The aircraft received by Ukraine appeared and existed in a closed ecosystem," he said. "They were not used the way we use them. Ours operate under the conditions of a full-scale war — with constant sorties and continuous Russian hunting for the aircraft."
He suggested the West wouldn't need to copy this exact solution. Ukraine doesn't have time "for the full deployment of infrastructure for the F-16; the most rational solution is to invest in a mobile ecosystem."
Developments in Ukraine are driven by immediate necessity, but the West is paying attention.
"Turning F-16 style, permanent base ops into Gripen-style dispersed operations is something that I think a lot of air forces will be looking at with interest," Robinson said.
Read the original article on Business Insider
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump's friendly-to-frustrated relationship with Putin takes the spotlight at the Alaska summit
Trump's friendly-to-frustrated relationship with Putin takes the spotlight at the Alaska summit

Washington Post

time6 minutes ago

  • Washington Post

Trump's friendly-to-frustrated relationship with Putin takes the spotlight at the Alaska summit

WASHINGTON — Donald Trump's summit with Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday could be a decisive moment for both the war in Ukraine and the U.S. leader's anomalous relationship with his Russian counterpart. Trump has long boasted that he's gotten along well with Putin and spoken admiringly of him, even praising him as 'pretty smart' for invading Ukraine. But in recent months, he's expressed frustrations with Putin and threatened more sanctions on his country.

Here's what Putin really wants from Trump – and it's not peace in Ukraine
Here's what Putin really wants from Trump – and it's not peace in Ukraine

CNN

time36 minutes ago

  • CNN

Here's what Putin really wants from Trump – and it's not peace in Ukraine

Alaska is unlikely to have been on many peoples' bingo cards as the venue for a key summit between the leaders of the United States and Russia. Yet America's biggest, remotest state is where Presidents Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin are now set to meet for one of the most potentially consequential encounters of their presidencies. That's certainly the view from Moscow, where pro-Kremlin propagandists are already flushed with anticipation at the benefits this much-anticipated face-to-face meeting will deliver. Or, more specifically, will deliver for Putin. Firstly, the fact a summit with the US president is being held at all is a massive win for the Kremlin. 'No one is talking about Russia's international isolation anymore, or about our strategic defeat,' wrote Alexander Kots, a prominent pro-Kremlin military blogger on his popular social media channel. He added that the Alaska meeting had 'every chance to become historic.' He may be right. A presidential summit allows Putin to be seen back at the top table of international diplomacy, while thumbing his nose at critics and nations who want him shunned if not arrested on charges of war crimes in Ukraine. And a summit in the US state of Alaska, of all places, is red meat to resurgent Russian nationalists who still bluster about the territory being rightfully theirs. Just across the Bering Strait from the Chukotka region in the Russian Far East, Alaska was once a remote possession of the Russian Empire before being sold to the United States in 1867 for what was, even then, a paltry sum of $7.2 million, about 2 cents an acre. The idea that Moscow got a raw deal still lingers and a visit to 'our Alaska,' as one prominent Russian state TV host dubbed it, bolsters Putin's nationalist credentials. Video clips of Trump misspeaking at a White House news conference ahead of the summit, saying he was going to 'Russia' to meet Putin, have also been trending on Russian social media with captions saying the US president had finally 'admitted it is ours.' For the rest of the world, though, the sole focus of this presidential summit is the war in Ukraine and whether Russia is prepared to make any concessions to end it. The White House has said Trump expects to focus squarely on ending the war in Ukraine, leaving other issues Moscow has said could be up for discussion for another time. On Wednesday, Trump promised 'very severe consequences' if Putin doesn't agree to end his war, following a call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and European leaders. But so far there's been little sign of real compromise from the Kremlin, which regards itself as having the upper hand on the grinding Ukrainian battlefield. As recently as last month, on a phone call with Trump, Putin reportedly reiterated that Russia would 'continue to pursue its goals to address the root causes' of the conflict in Ukraine – these 'root causes' having previously included long-held Russian grievances that include Ukraine's existence as a sovereign state, and NATO's eastward expansion since the end of the Cold War. More likely, Putin is up to something else. Details have emerged of a Russian peace offer reportedly made to US presidential envoy, Steve Witkoff, before the Alaska summit was hastily arranged. In essence, the proposals involve Kyiv surrendering territory in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, in exchange for a ceasefire, an idea the Ukrainian leadership has firmly ruled out. 'I am not going to surrender my country because I have no right to do so,' said Zelensky ahead of the summit, which he was not invited to. 'If we leave Donbas today, our fortifications, our terrain, the heights we control, we will clearly open a bridgehead for the preparation of a Russian offensive.' But Trump, who is expected to discuss the idea with Putin in Alaska, appears to like the sound of a land-for-peace deal, even one so unpalatable to Ukraine and its European partners. That clear difference of opinion represents an opportunity for Putin to portray the Ukrainians and the Europeans – not Russia – as the real obstacle to peace, potentially undermining Trump's already shaky support for the Ukrainian war effort. Trump has lost patience with Zelensky before, the Kremlin will have noted, and may do so again. If he were to cut off the remaining US military aid and intelligence sharing with Kyiv, Ukraine would struggle to continue its fight even with bolstered European support. Ahead of the summit, the White House appeared to downplay expectations of a peace deal, characterizing the high-stakes meeting as a 'listening exercise.' That may suit Putin just fine. It was, after all, the Kremlin who solicited the summit, according to the White House – possibly as a way of heading off a threat of US tariffs and secondary sanctions that Trump said would kick in last week. Keeping Trump talking may be an effective way of pushing back that deadline indefinitely. More broadly, Putin sees a unique opportunity with Trump to fundamentally reset relations with Washington, and separate Russian ties with the US from the fate of Ukraine, a scenario that would also divide the Western allies. For months, Kremlin officials have been talking up possibilities for economic, technological and space cooperation with the US, as well as lucrative deals on infrastructure and energy in the Arctic and elsewhere. The fact the Kremlin's top economic envoy, Kirill Dmitriev – a key interlocutor with the Trump administration – is part of the Russian delegation to Alaska suggests that more talk of US-Russian deal-making will be on the agenda. And, if Putin gets his way in this summit, the 'Ukraine question' may find itself relegated to just one of many talking points between the powerful leaders of two great powers – and not even the most pressing one.

The Race to Shrink Reactors and Grow Nuclear Power
The Race to Shrink Reactors and Grow Nuclear Power

Bloomberg

time36 minutes ago

  • Bloomberg

The Race to Shrink Reactors and Grow Nuclear Power

Electricity demand is soaring, and some think the answer isn't building bigger, but smaller. That's the idea behind small modular reactors (SMRs): shrink a large and hard-to-build reactor to something that is, in theory, more manageable, cheaper and easier to replicate. These are early days for SMRs, with only two in commercial operation in Russia and China. Can SMRs ever become a solution for our energy needs and climate goals? Nuclear scientist and venture capitalist Rachel Slaybaugh joins Akshat Rathi on Zero to discuss.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store