Alabama lawmakers could vote on posting Ten Commandments in schools
Kelley's bill would require the Ten Commandments to be put in common areas — like hallways or entrances — of schools. Kelley said they used to be taught not too long ago in schools.
'You talk to a lot of people, they don't really have the true foundation of what our country was founded on,' Kelley said. 'There's a certain amount of accountability and responsibility that each one of us has, and I think it goes to that accountability.'
Kelley said schools wouldn't have to pay for it, as some groups have volunteered to pay for it. He said the Alabama State Board of Education would be required to make the materials available.
A similar law laying that foundation was signed in Louisiana and blocked by a federal judge. Alabama House Minority Leader Anthony Daniels (D-Huntsville) said it's a waste of taxpayer dollars.
'That bothers me,' Daniels said. 'We're focusing on things that are going to take away and litigation that we're clearly going to lose and cost the state of Alabama hundreds of thousands of dollars, if not millions of dollars.'
Immigration judge requests information from US, attorneys before ruling on bond for Alabama student Alireza Doroudi
The Rev. Julie Conrady, president of the Interfaith Alliance of Central Alabama, said that's not the only cost. Conrady said it violates religious freedom.
'If we're talking about our Jewish friends, they would say posting them in English is not even appropriate,' Conrady said. 'When we talk about when we get to translating that text into English is when you start making actual theological claims.'
But Kelley said it's not about theological claims, it's about honoring the history of the law and the U.S.
'Well, this is just saying 'don't steal something' and 'don't kill somebody,'' Kelley said. 'You respect other people's rights. You respect differing opinions. You respect different processes.'
A House and a Senate version has passed out of committee in both chambers. Counting Tuesday, there are nine legislative days left in the session for lawmakers to vote on this bill.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Fox News
41 minutes ago
- Fox News
Trump admin rips George Washington University in DC as 'deliberately indifferent' to antisemitism
The Trump administration on Tuesday shredded George Washington University as "deliberately indifferent" to what the Department of Justice considers a "hostile educational environment for Jewish, American-Israeli, and Israeli students and faculty." The DOJ announced that its Civil Rights Division has concluded its investigation into "incidents of antisemitic discrimination and harassment of Jewish and Israeli students" and found the Washington, D.C.-based university violated federal civil rights law. "Every student has the right to equal educational opportunities without fear of harassment or abuse," Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, of the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division, said in a statement. "No one is above the law, and universities that promulgate antisemitic discrimination will face legal consequences." In a letter to George Washington University President Ellen Granberg, Dhillon said the DOJ finds that "despite actual notice of the abuses occurring on its campus, GWU was deliberately indifferent to the complaints it received, the misconduct that occurred, and the harms that were suffered by its students and faculty, in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964." The DOJ is moving to enforcement and is seeking "immediate remediation." The Justice Department, which provides direct federal financial assistance to GWU, said it was offering the university an opportunity to resolve the matter through a "voluntary resolution agreement." The state goal is "to ensure immediate remediation of these issues and related reforms to prevent the recurrence of discrimination, harassment, and abuse." Unlike Harvard and Columbia – which have both clashed with the Trump administration over anti-Israel demonstrations in the wake of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks – George Washington University is a private institution. However, due to its location in the nation's capital, federal agencies and global embassies, George Washington University is more exposed to federal oversight and political influence. The DOJ announcement comes a day after President Donald Trump announced a federal takeover of the D.C. police department, citing rampant violent crime in the nation's capital. The federal civil rights investigation found GWU students and faculty "were subjected to a hostile educational environment that was objectively offensive, severe, and pervasive," Dhillon wrote. "The antisemitic, hate-based misconduct by GWU students directed at Jewish GWU students, faculty, and employees was, in a word, shocking. The behavior was demonstrably abhorrent, immoral, and, most importantly, illegal." During final exams and graduation ceremonies in April and May 2024, Dhillon said, members of the university community engaged in "antisemitic, disruptive protests that included the establishment of an 'encampment' in GWU's University Yard." The DOJ said the university received "no less than eight complaints" during that timeframe alleging that demonstrators were discriminating against Jewish and Israeli students. Jewish students, parents and alumni also contacted university leadership to voice "reasonable fears for their safety" as protesters continued their anti-Israel campus encampment. The DOJ also received reports of antisemitic discrimination at George Washington University's campus. "The purpose of the agitators' efforts was to frighten, intimidate, and deny Jewish, Israeli, and American-Israeli students free and unfettered access to GWU's educational environment," Dhillon wrote. "This is the definition of hostility and a 'hostile environment'." The investigation also found "numerous incidents" of Jewish students being harassed, abused, intimidated and assaulted by protesters," Dhillon wrote. "To be clear, Jewish students were afraid to attend class, to be observed, or, worse, to be 'caught' and perhaps physically beaten on GWU's campus." Dhillon cited one Jewish student who described being "surrounded, harassed, threatened, and then ordered to leave the area immediately by antisemitic protesters after exiting the Law School, which is adjacent to University Yard." Her letter said GWU's Assistant Dean of Students instructed the Jewish student to leave because his presence was "antagonizing and provoking the crowd." The assistant attorney general said other Jewish students provided similar accounts of harassment and intimidation by protesters when they tried to cross the campus through University Yard. "Protesters surrounded them, yelled antisemitic slurs in their faces, and forced them to flee," Dhillon wrote. "A Jewish student who quietly held up an Israeli flag on University Yard was confronted and surrounded by protesters with their arms linked together for the purpose of restricting the Jewish student's movements." Throughout the encounter, Dhillon said, the protesters shouted slurs and a university police officer standing nearby "did nothing to prevent or intervene in the incident and instead told the student to leave University Yard for his own safety." Dhillon said another Jewish student who stood holding an Israeli flag across the street from the encampment was harassed by protesters who screamed "F--- you, Zionist go die," "there is only one solution, Intifada revolution," "Hamas are freedom fighters," and "Zionists go to hell!" She said a university police officer also told that student to leave the area. Fox News Digital reached out to George Washington University for comment but did not immediately hear back.


Fox News
an hour ago
- Fox News
Israeli NGO works behind the scenes to coordinate aid to Gazan civilians
An Israeli nongovernmental organization is working behind the scenes to provide a critical link between the Israeli military and international organizations with one goal in mind: Get humanitarian aid to Palestinian civilians. "We really became this informal connector and facilitator between the Israeli authorities and the humanitarian community," IsraAID CEO Yotam Polizer said. IsraAID has worked in 64 countries and is currently the largest humanitarian organization based out of Israel. Polizer says there is broad consensus now that a concerning humanitarian level was reached in Gaza with pockets of malnutrition across the strip. He notes that it isn't only food that is needed by the civilian population, but also medicine, water and nutritional provisions. "When we reach severe malnutrition levels, we know that just rice and flour is not going to solve the problem," Polizer added. "We need nutritional supplements, we need people to get protein." For nearly five months, there was no consistent flow of aid. That has changed in recent weeks with thousands of trucks being distributed along with airdrops of supplies to civilians. Recently, the entry of commercial trucks was partially approved. "The declared policy of Israel for two and a half months after the ceasefire collapsed was that nothing comes in," Polizer said. "That was the policy because the plan was to pressure Hamas." The IsraAID CEO says the focus must be on saving lives, not on playing the "blame game." He urges the United Nations, the Israel Defense Forces, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) and all humanitarian organizations to work together and find solutions. "As a humanitarian organization, the concept of 'do no harm' is really our Bible," Polizer added. A few months after the war started, IsraAID started to receive requests from global humanitarian organizations they had worked with in Afghanistan and Ukraine, asking for help to facilitate aid deliveries to Gaza. These groups had issues with customs clearance and approval from the Israeli military to deliver supplies to Palestinians in Gaza. These were problems IsraAID could help solve. Despite the political and cultural differences, Polizer said the Jewish community of the United States is stepping up to donate and support finding solutions for the hunger crisis in Gaza. "You can support the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, but it does not mean you are anti-Israel," he concluded.


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
When Israel left Gaza, everything got worse
There is no way to know yet how this will turn out. But as Israel prepares to push still deeper into Gaza in what may be the cataclysmic final phase of its war to eliminate Hamas, it is worth looking back to reflect on another fateful, anguish-filled Israeli decision in Gaza — one that began the descent into the nightmare the Jewish state now faces. Advertisement It was exactly 20 years ago this week — Aug. 15, 2005 — that the Israeli government, led by then-prime minister Ariel Sharon, destroyed 21 Jewish communities in the Gaza Strip, evicting 9,000 Israelis and demolishing the homes where some of them had lived for decades. All of Gaza, denuded of its Jews, was then unilaterally surrendered to the Palestinian Authority. There was no quid pro quo. Israel relinquished the territory it had occupied in the 1967 Six Day War without requiring anything in return. Sharon labeled the operation 'disengagement' — a term meant to suggest that by handing Gaza to the Palestinians, Israel could finally sever its ties to the troubled territory and its population. Advertisement Sharon's deputy prime minister, Ehud Olmert — who, like his boss, had always previously been known as a hawkish defender of Israeli security — 'It will be good for us and will be good for the Palestinians,' Olmert effervesced. 'It will bring more security, greater safety, much more prosperity, and a lot of joy for all the people that live in the Middle East.' With disengagement, he foretold, 'a new morning of great hope will emerge.' He was sure that with the end of Israel's occupation of Gaza, 'the Middle East will indeed become what it was destined to be from the outset, a paradise for all the world.' That was perilously wishful thinking, as I Advertisement 'We will be on this side of the line, and the Palestinians will be on that side,' I remember one Israeli journalist earnestly telling me several months before the evacuation. 'They'll run their lives the way they see fit and we won't have to be involved.' The Ambassador Meir Shlomo, who was then the Israeli consul-general in New England, urged me to support the Gaza disengagement because of the diplomatic dividends it would pay. Israel's withdrawal was being applauded everywhere, he pointed out. The plan had the support of the George W. Bush administration and the European Union. It was being But by heading out of Gaza, Israel wasn't walking into peace. It was walking off a cliff. The unilateral withdrawal from Gaza was not interpreted by Israel's enemies as an act of magnanimity or pragmatism. It was interpreted as a surrender. Rather than a historic demonstration of Israel's desire for peace, the evacuation of those 21 communities and the departure of every Israeli soldier from Gaza were seen by the Palestinian Authority as proof that violence pays. Advertisement And so, 20 years ago this week, the IDF was sent in and But that goodwill and fraternity were not reciprocated. 'Today you leave Gaza in humiliation,' Hamas chieftain all of Palestine will be hell for you." The central error of disengagement wasn't the belief that Israel could live without Gaza. It was the belief that Gaza, left to its own devices, would choose peace over jihad. With the Israelis out, Palestinians surged into the abandoned settlements and immediately Hamas turned Gaza into a forward operating base for terrorism: It imported Iranian rockets, dug hundreds of miles of attack tunnels, and embedded its arsenals in civilian areas to ensure any Israeli response would be politically costly. The withdrawal from Gaza didn't end the conflict; it entrenched it. Advertisement What was intended as a confidence-building measure turned out to be a confidence-destroying one. A radical concession meant to enhance Israel's security instead put many more Israelis at risk. Far from encouraging moderation, disengagement encouraged Hamas to intensify its brutal extremism. In the years that followed, Hamas expanded its power and arsenal. Rocket fire into Israel became routine. An Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, was abducted and held by Hamas for five years. Children in Israeli towns like Sderot and Ashkelon grew up with 15-second air-raid warnings to reach shelter. All the while Hamas kept expanding its terror infrastructure, dispersing arms and fighters through its underground labyrinth. Every few years Jerusalem would respond to Hamas rocket attacks with several days or weeks of 'mowing the grass' — pinpoint bombing meant to buy a spell of relative quiet. It was never long, however, before the attacks resumed. Many Successive Israeli governments accepted this status quo, convinced that the alternative — reoccupying Gaza and destroying the Hamas regime — was too costly to contemplate. It was a judgment rooted in what Advertisement Daniel Pipes, the Middle East historian and analyst, conceptzia — so much so that they ignored Hamas's blood-curdling genocidal threats and dismissed its open preparations for a devastating blow that would overwhelm Israel's defenses. Then came Oct. 7, 2023. On that day Hamas slaughtered more than 1,200 people, most of them civilians. They burned homes, murdered entire families, raped and mutilated victims, and kidnapped more than 250 hostages. It was less a military operation than a pogrom. It was also the culmination of everything disengagement had made possible: a sovereign Hamas stronghold, armed and emboldened, able to commit mass atrocities with impunity. For all the condemnation of Israel's 'occupation' of Gaza, that occupation had in fact ended in 2005. Israel did not control Gaza's streets, neighborhoods, or governance. Yet after Israel left the territory became exponentially more dangerous, for Jews and for Palestinians. Disengagement may have removed Israeli settlers and soldiers — but it did nothing to remove the jihadists or lower their appetite for war. Now, even as Israel wages what This is not honest criticism of wartime conduct. It is the inversion of morality — the recasting of a nation fighting for its life as the villain, and of a terrorist organization dedicated to extermination as the victim. Hamas has built its entire war plan around the mass endangerment of Palestinian civilians: embedding rocket launchers and command posts in hospitals and mosques, turning schools into weapons depots, using apartment buildings as shields, and blocking civilians from fleeing battle zones. It is not a byproduct of the fighting that Gazans die in large numbers — it is Hamas's strategy. It knows that every Palestinian body pulled from the rubble will be blamed on Israel, and it exploits that certainty with cynical brazenness. At any moment, Hamas could end the war. It could release the Israeli hostages it Hamas's purpose is not just to wound Israel's reputation; it is to delegitimize Jews as moral actors altogether, to strip the Jewish state of the right to defend itself, and to normalize the corrosive idea that Israel's very existence is a provocation. Its defamations embolden Israel's enemies, sap the resolve of its friends, and distort the moral lens through which the world views the conflict. Just as Israel's pre-October 7 conceptzia blinded it to the scale of the physical threat from Gaza, too many in the democratic world are blind to the scale of the strategic threat in the information battlefield. In both arenas, illusions are dangerous — and the price of indulging them is paid in blood. The only way forward is to end Hamas's rule in Gaza once and for all — not to contain it, not to conciliate it, but to destroy it as a military, political, and ideological force. History shows that cataclysmic defeat can be the gateway to renewal: After World War II, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan were crushed into unconditional surrender. Their regimes were dismantled, their ideologies discredited, and their societies rebuilt on democratic foundations. That transformation ultimately benefited the vanquished even more than their victors, giving ordinary Germans and Japanese decades of peace and freedom. Such a rebirth is devoutly to be wished for the Palestinians — but it will never be possible until Hamas, and the equally malign Palestinian Authority, are so utterly defeated that their war to destroy Israel is ended permanently. Only when Gaza is freed from leaders who glorify murder and annihilation can it begin to heal; only when there are Palestinian leaders who renounce the dream of eliminating the Jewish state can they begin to build a decent one of their own. And only when Israel prevails completely — militarily, morally, and politically — will both peoples have a chance to live side by side in the secure and mutually beneficial peace that has eluded them for so long. This article is adapted from the current , Jeff Jacoby's weekly newsletter. To subscribe to Arguable, visit . Jeff Jacoby can be reached at