Man caught driving stolen vehicle to Zimbabwe spends more nights in jail
A 31-year-old man has been remanded in custody after being arrested in Limpopo while allegedly driving a stolen vehicle (Toyota Corolla Cross) toward the Beitbridge border post.
Police say the suspect, identified as Mikael Mlambo, appeared before the Polokwane Magistrate's Court this week. The case has been postponed to next week
This development raises renewed concerns about cross-border vehicle smuggling into Zimbabwe. Mlambo's case was postponed to next Monday to allow authorities time to profile the accused, as reported by IOL .
According to Limpopo police spokesperson Brigadier Hlulani Mashaba, the stolen vehicle had been reported earlier this month in Pretoria Central.
It was spotted speeding along the N1 South highway, apparently en route to Zimbabwe.
When officers tried to stop the vehicle, the driver fled, Mashaba said. A high-speed chase followed and ended in Nirvana, Polokwane, where the vehicle was eventually intercepted.
Police found a damaged tracking device and no proof of ownership.
The South African reported that SAPS recovered two stolen vehicles valued at approximately R1.4 million. In separate incidents, the operations aimed at curbing cross-border vehicle smuggling into Zimbabwe.
A joint operation led by the SAPS Anti-Smuggling Team, Tshimollo Security and Investigation, and Reflex Anti-Hijacking Security resulted in the interception of a stolen vehicle.
According to the South African Police Service, officers stopped a Toyota Hilux GD6 double cab on the R101 near the Polokwane weighbridge.
Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1
Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Citizen
an hour ago
- The Citizen
Bushiris file application to set aside ruling ordering extradition to SA
The couple fled to Malawi in November 2020. Self-proclaimed prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife Mary in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court during their bail application on 4 November 2020. Picture: Jacques Nelles Self-proclaimed prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife, Mary Bushiri, have filed a review application to set aside the judgment ordering their extradition to South Africa. The Bushiris filed their application before the High Court of Malawi in Lilongwe on Wednesday. They claim they weren't given a chance to be heard, violating natural justice principles. Hearing In papers before the high court in Malawi, the controversial couple claim they weren't given a chance to be heard, violating natural justice principles They argued the chief magistrate erred in law by breaching the fundamental principles of natural justice. 'The applicants humbly but firmly pray for the quashing of the findings that the requesting State made out a case for extradition… setting aside of the order of committal.' In March, Malawi's Chief Resident Magistrate's Court ordered that the Bushiris be extradited following a request by South Africa. ALSO READ: Bushiri celebrates reduced charges, but can they be reinstated? Malawi's attorney general explains Charges They face at least six charges including rape, violating bail conditions, contraventions of the Financial Advisory and Intermediary Services Act, Banking Act, Civil Aviation Act and Immigration Act. The couple fled to Malawi in November 2020, after being granted bail of R200 000 each under strict conditions in the Pretoria Central Magistrate's Court. ALSO READ: Cops detained Bushiri's lawyers for corruption, intimidation say Hawks 'Safety and security' At the time, Bushiri cited 'safety and security issues' for their actions. 'There have been clear and evident attempts to have myself, my wife and my family killed. Despite our several attempts to report to authorities, there has never been state protection,' he said. 'We have come to a painful conclusion that what my wife and I have faced in the Republic of South Africa since 2015 is purely persecution, not prosecution. 'What is shocking is that it was me who, in 2018, opened cases of extortion and intimidation against the officers who are, today, investigating, arresting and prosecuting me and my wife of these several allegations. Obviously, there can never be independence and impartiality. It's purely acts of open vengeance,' Bushiri said. The Malawian couple run a church known as Enlightened Christian Gathering with branches in various African countries. ALSO READ: Malawi court grants South Africa's request to extradite Shepherd Bushiri and wife
Daily Maverick
7 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Words that wound — ‘Kill the Boer' is legal, but not wise for a fragile South Africa
In March 2025, South Africa's Constitutional Court upheld a contentious ruling that the slogan 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer,' a liberation-era chant, does not constitute hate speech under South African law. This judgment followed an appeal by AfriForum against a previous judgment. The civil rights organisation argued that the slogan incited violence and hatred, particularly against white South Africans and especially farmers. The court found, however, that the phrase, when understood in its historical and political context, did not meet the legal threshold of hate speech. That said, it is argued here that while the slogan may be constitutionally protected, its deliberate use in contemporary political settings is not merely provocative, it is profoundly unwise. In a society still grappling with the legacies of apartheid, endemic inequality and fragile race relations, words carry weight far beyond their legal definitions. It is within this context that the South Africa Social Cohesion Index (Sasci), developed by the Inclusive Society Institute, has drawn timely attention to a worrying decline in societal cohesion by providing critical insights into why the continued use of divisive slogans serve only to jeopardise the country's progress toward unity and social stability. The Constitutional Court's reasoning The Constitutional Court's dismissal of the appeal by AfriForum was grounded in legal and historical nuance. The justices concurred with the 2022 Equality Court ruling that the chant should not be taken literally but as a symbolic relic of the anti-apartheid struggle. It was not, they emphasised, a call to actual violence against individuals or groups. There was also insufficient evidence linking the use of the slogan to specific acts of harm or incitement, which is a requirement for speech to be classified as hate speech under South African law. This decision reaffirmed the robust commitment of the South African judiciary to freedom of expression, one of the bedrock rights enshrined in the post-apartheid Constitution. It recognises that a democratic society must allow space for emotional, political and even uncomfortable speech. But freedom of speech is not equal to freedom from consequence. Social cohesion under strain According to the 2024 Sasci, South Africa is treading a narrow ridge between cohesion and fragmentation. The index, which measures solidarity, fairness, trust, identity, civic participation and respect for institutions, paints a picture of partial resilience and underlying volatility. Solidarity sits at 61.3, indicating moderate willingness to care for others regardless of identity, but still vulnerable to racial and economic fault lines; Perception of Fairness, however, is a weak point, at 42.7, reflecting widespread public sentiment that South Africa's socioeconomic systems remain unjust; Intergroup Trust is alarmingly low – just 41% of black and white South Africans express some trust in one another; and Identification, that is, the sense of belonging to a shared national identity, is strong at 72.2, and is the glue that is holding the nation together. But this is susceptible to erosion under divisive rhetoric. These findings underscore a society still recovering from historical trauma, where the social glue is thin and brittle. Therefore, it is in this context that the use of a slogan such as 'Kill the Boer' must be evaluated, not in a courtroom, but in the court of public morality and nation-building. The political weaponisation of memory Chants such as 'Kill the Boer' are more than mere slogans. They are symbolic vessels, carrying the memory of past struggles, but also the potential to stir contemporary fears. So, with this in mind, it follows that the historical justification of the chant, which is rooted in anti-apartheid resistance, does not automatically make its current use, politically or socially, justifiable. In today's South Africa, invoking such slogans, especially during political rallies or in highly charged public platforms, is often a calculated act. It is a way of stoking populist sentiment, galvanising political bases and appealing to historical loyalties. But this comes at a steep cost: the polarisation of society, the re-traumatisation of communities and the erosion of hard-won intergroup solidarity. The Trump factor and global amplification The domestic controversy over 'Kill the Boer' took on international significance during South African President Cyril Ramaphosa's visit to the White House in May 2025. In a meeting with US President Donald Trump, the slogan once again found itself at the centre of a geopolitical flashpoint. Trump, resurrecting claims he first made in 2018, alleged that white South African farmers were the targets of a 'genocide'. He presented images purporting to show images of murdered white farmers. President Ramaphosa firmly rejected Trump's assertions, defending South Africa's constitutional land reform process and reaffirming the courts' dismissal of the 'white genocide' narrative. Yet, the damage had been done because Trump's global platform amplified fringe narratives and served to validate domestic fear-based politics within South Africa. This episode demonstrates how international rhetoric can dangerously reinforce internal social divisions, skew the global perception of South Africa's challenges and undermine the legitimacy of its reconciliation and land reform processes. Why legal speech can still be harmful Even if the courts are correct in finding that 'Kill the Boer' does not legally constitute hate speech, it is crucial to understand that legality does not equate to wisdom, unity or responsibility. In a country with such deep wounds, where race, land, identity and violence intersect in volatile ways, rhetoric matters. When political figures or public activists invoke this chant in the present day, they must consider: The historical trauma it reactivates for many white South Africans; The fear it induces among farming communities; The backlash it sparks from domestic and international actors; and Most importantly, the distrust and division it fuels between already polarised communities. Words, especially in political arenas, do not exist in a vacuum. They shape social perception, inform behaviour and influence whether people feel safe, respected and included. What leadership requires Leadership in a democratic society does not simply involve defending rights; it involves exercising them responsibly. South Africa's path forward depends not only on constitutional fidelity, but on a moral and social imagination capable of transcending inherited grievances. Political leaders and public influencers must ask: Does this speech unify or divide? Does it heal or harm? The question is no longer about what is legal, but what is nation-building. This is by no means a call for censorship. It is a call for ethical and moral restraint and for choosing reconciliation over rhetoric. And for choosing unity over provocation. It is possible to honour the past without weaponising it. It is possible to demand justice without alienating communities. It is possible to seek equity without amplifying enmity. Conclusion: The test of nationhood South Africa's journey from apartheid to democracy is often lauded as a global symbol of reconciliation. But symbols can become brittle. The Sasci's data tell us that the social cement is cracking and the slogan controversy is one fault line among many. If left unaddressed, such fissures can widen into fractures. The Constitutional Court has spoken on what the law allows. Now the burden falls to civil society, political leaders and ordinary citizens to determine what wisdom, justice and reconciliation demand. In a country where speech has the power to harm or to heal, the future will not be built by shouting into wounds, but by speaking into hope. DM
TimesLIVE
8 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Worker killed at Harmony's Joel mine in the Free State
A worker was killed in a fall of ground accident at Harmony Gold's Joel mine in Free State on Wednesday. The company said all relevant authorities, family members and colleagues had been informed. It said it was devastated by another loss of life. 'Our safety strategy and culture include both systemic and humanistic factors and controls. These controls are designed to avoid incidents, protect our employees and have to be adhered to at all times. No working area will be accessed unless it has been declared safe,' said Beyers Nel, Harmony CEO. The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) said this was the 11th fatality at Harmony this year, bringing the total fatalities in the South African mining industry to 25. 'Eleven fatalities point directly to the company's failure to provide conditions that are safe for the operation to take place,' Amcu said. The union added that if Harmony dodges analysing organisational failures and blames the deaths on the behaviour of employees, it is likely they will experience more injuries and disasters. Harmony said Thursday has been declared a day of safety across all Harmony's South African operations to engage with the company's employees and stakeholders and to reflect on the company's safety practices at each of its mines. 'Our day of safety is not simply a pause, it is a call to action,' said Nel.
