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Donald Trump shoots his own global mouthpiece

Donald Trump shoots his own global mouthpiece

Mint4 days ago

Many have tried to stifle the Voice of America (VOA) in the eight decades since its hurried birth as a wartime broadcaster in 1942. These days China blocks its website and jams its signals. In 2017 Russia declared VOA to be a 'foreign agent'. Yet it is President Donald Trump who may silence it for good.
His executive order on March 14th to 'eliminate' the network as far as legally possible had an immediate effect. Its 1,300 staff members were placed on paid leave. Broadcasts in 48 languages soon stopped. Such is the demise of a network whose 'jazz hour' famously beamed the 'music of freedom' behind the Iron Curtain. A similar fate has befallen or awaits Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Radio Free Asia, Middle East Broadcasting Networks' Arabic-language outlets and Radio and TV Martí, which broadcast to Cuba.
For Elon Musk, America's chief cost-cutter, the networks are just waste. 'Nobody listens to them anymore' he posted on X, claiming they consisted of 'radical left crazy people talking to themselves while torching $1B/year of US taxpayer money'. Mr Musk is wrong to say 'nobody' listens. The US Agency for Global Media (USAGM), the government body that oversees all these outlets, claims they reach 427m people weekly in 63 languages and over 100 countries. VOA alone has a bigger audience than other publicly funded international broadcasters, such as the BBC World Service (see chart 1). Few people in America will have heard of them because they do not broadcast to the home audience. This may explain why the outlets have few powerful friends there.
Yet there are legitimate and longstanding questions to be asked about whether they spread democracy and enhance American power, and whether they provide value for their annual $900m cost. These are even more salient in a world awash with blogs, newsletters and podcasts.
'Project 2025', a conservative blueprint for Mr Trump's second term, argued the USAGM was rife with left-wing bias, prone to repeating foes' propaganda, poorly run and, because of lax practices in security clearances, a target for foreign spies. Little of this has been proved. Nevertheless, Project 2025 recommended reform of the agency if possible, or its abolition if not. Kari Lake, a former TV presenter and devotee of Mr Trump, who has been nominated as VOA's director, for a time favoured reform and returning VOA to 'its glory days'. When Mr Trump announced his executive orders, though, she declared that 'from top to bottom, this agency is a giant rot.'
Controversy over VOA and its siblings dates back almost to their establishment. RFE and RL were set up in the early cold war, partly inspired by George Kennan, an American diplomat, to wage 'organised political warfare' on the Kremlin. RFE transmitted to 'captive nations' under Soviet occupation; RL beamed to the Soviet Union itself. After the collapse of the Hungarian revolution of 1956, RFE was accused of having crossed a legal line between reporting and incitement. Nearly two decades later the revelation that the CIA had been funnelling money to the stations led to efforts in the Senate to shut them down, using arguments that sound surprisingly contemporary: their high cost; that western European countries should pay; and the difficulty of knowing whether they were useful. Their defenders included Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon.
Some ten years later the debate still raged: 'The worth of the broadcasts, in dollars and cents, is almost incapable of measurement,' said a study published in 1982, concluding that 'the benefits do seem substantial.' Many credit the stations with helping to defeat Soviet communism. Lech Walesa, Poland's former president, said his country's freedom was won by RFE and the pope. Meanwhile, RL was the first to broadcast the full text of Alexander Solzhenitsyn's 'Gulag Archipelago', a book that reputedly struck Soviet leaders 'like an atom bomb'. It is inevitably harder to assess the broadcasters' contribution in more recent times.
By some measures the outlets have reported considerable success. Over the past decade they have nearly doubled the size of their weekly audience, from 215m in 2014 to 427m in 2024, despite increased competition. One reason for this may be that listeners see them as trustworthy. The Lowy Institute, an Australian think-tank, found that VOA accounted for 55% of online searches in 26 countries in Asia for foreign-radio broadcasters, well ahead of the second-most popular outlet, Russia's Sputnik, with 27% (see chart 2).
The USAGM's most valuable units are probably those that most Americans have never heard of, such as Radio Free Asia, which can reach audiences living under the boot of authoritarian states that have few other reliable sources of news. It is one of the few independent media outlets that can winkle stories out of North Korea, or can generate scoops from Xinjiang and Tibet in China. The revelations of ethnic Uyghurs being corralled in massive Chinese 're-education' camps were largely its work. It is also one of the few independent news outlets that reaches Uyghurs, who try to evade state censorship of the internet by listening to its radio broadcasts.
Though Russians face nothing like the levels of censorship and oppression of Uyghurs, RFE/RL plays an important role in nurturing independent local journalism. The strength of these outfits lies in their history as surrogates for local media behind the Iron Curtain, where they hired exiles to report on those countries in the local languages. This tradition continues today, with tailor-made programmes reaching the remotest regions that other outlets do not, from Dagestan to Siberia, and breaking stories about local corruption scandals and much more.
VOA is akin to a state broadcaster like the BBC, offering a mix of political (especially American) news and lifestyle features and has the largest audience. But it is harder to argue that it provides an irreplaceable service across much of the world. Never before have people had access to such a wide range of news sources. There are, however, exceptions, particularly in parts of Africa where VOA covers smaller countries and contested elections that are often ignored. Its publicity can play a role in protecting opposition politicians and activists. 'In shining a spotlight on individual leaders, VOA helps to add a layer of security for them,' says Jeffrey Smith of Vanguard Africa, a pro-democracy outfit based in Washington. 'It lets leaders of [oppressive] governments know that the world—and that Washington in particular—is paying attention.'
Staff at USAGM still hope that, faced with an outcry and lawsuits, the administration may relent. RFE/RL may be in a better position than their siblings as they may win a reprieve from European governments, ten of which said they would work together to find funding. The networks are trying to protect vulnerable staff from being sent home to repressive regimes. One reform option might be to merge overlapping functions and language services.
USAGM uses complex metrics to measure its impact, including its audience, its trustworthiness, influence, and whether it increases knowledge of international news, particularly in places targeted by state-sponsored disinformation. Yet are reach and trustworthiness enough?
Insiders argue that they produce invaluable journalism for less than Russia and China spend on their foreign-influence operations. They argue that they must be pricking a nerve, given the repression their journalists suffer: at least ten are currently in prison. Yet amid America's wider retreat from the network of alliances that have largely kept the peace for almost 80 years, and its gleeful destruction of a liberal economic order that made it richer, there is little hope that arguments around soft power or appeals to high-minded ideals will sway Mr Trump or Mr Musk.
Nor will the gloating of America's foes. 'We couldn't shut them down, unfortunately,' said Margarita Simonyan, the editor of Russia's RT network. 'But America did so itself.' As their broadcasts cease, candles of hope in some of the world's darkest places are being snuffed out.

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Mad with power and vengeance, Yunus risks taking Bangladesh down with him
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Yunus has thrown up too many balls in the air, and it remains to be seen if he is a wizard to pull it off, or n usurper who risks taking Bangladesh down with him read more As India grapples with the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, a sordid drama is playing out next door. An unelected regime, backstopped by the military, Islamists, war criminals and revisionist 'student revolutionaries', wants to turn Bangladesh into another Pakistan – a jihadi hellhole, an economic basket case and a rentier state that dreams of breaking India and plans to suck on Chinese and American teats. This radical shift is being driven by Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate heading an 'interim government' as the chief adviser. Yunus, a crafty, vengeful man, thinks he is playing 128D chess. He is writing blank cheques he cannot encash. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It has been nine months that this illegitimate regime has been in power, nine turbulent months following Sheikh Hasina's orchestrated ouster during which Yunus has overseen Bangladesh's rapid economic descent, freeing of 1971 war criminals, a surge in Islamist radicalism, unhinged vendetta politics, hounding of Hindu minorities and sweeping foreign policy changes without the requisite democratic mandate. When he flew in from the United States to assume power in August last year, Yunus had promised to 'restore Bangladesh's democracy' through 'free and fair elections'. He is 'restoring democracy' by banning Awami League, Bangladesh's largest political party, one that is synonymous to the country's independence, and by delaying elections. Not surprisingly, Yunus has run into a collision course with the BNP, the only major party left in Bangladesh's political scene that fancies a return to power. The 'chief adviser', though, has other plans. For the head of a military-backed regime, Yunus has even made an enemy of the army chief because General Waker-Uz-Zaman has called for early elections and come out swinging against Yunus's moves to take key decisions keeping the military in the dark, such as constructing a 'humanitarian corridor' linking Chittagong to the restive Rakhine province in Myanmar where the military junta is fighting a civil war. Bangladesh is witnessing an intriguing power tussle and attempts at palace coup and counter coup. Yunus is evidently keen to control all the levers of power and enjoy unchallenged writ. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD His hunger for power shouldn't have come as a surprise to Bangladesh watchers. US diplomatic cables leaked by Wikileaks reveal that the Americans knew at least since 2007 that Yunus possesses 'a strong desire to jump into the maelstrom of Bangladeshi politics.' One cable, dated 13 February, mentions that 'Yunus is considering entering Bangladesh politics' and that 'he was reviewing his options'. The cable discloses that Americans felt Yunus is 'a person of great moral stature and strong organizational skills,' and his 'candidacy could offer a possible out from the present Sheikh Hasina-Khaleda Zia zero-sum game that cripples Bangladesh's democratic process.' The Americans have always considered Yunus as 'their man', something India had a very good idea about. Another leaked cable marked 'confidential' and dated December 2006, reveals what the South Block was thinking about the 2007 elections when the Americans wanted 'neither Hasina, nor Zia to win' and were 'actively supporting Yunus', for whom the Americans had 'fixed' the Nobel Prize. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This dynamic between Yunus, whose status as America's pet poodle has always been known, and the US, is key to understanding the great game unfolding in India's neighbourhood. In his brief tenure, Yunus has already savaged Bangladesh's close strategic, diplomatic and commercial ties with India, warmed up to Pakistan, hitched Dhaka's boat to Beijing and kowtowed to the US. Much against the wishes of Bangladesh's mainstream political class and even the military, Yunus is positioning Bangladesh as a mule for America's proxy war against China in war-torn Myanmar – jettisoning the careful balance of power strategy that former prime minister Hasina used as a foundation to script Bangladesh's rise. The worst part is Yunus's authoritarian impulses and reckless steps are destabilising a region strategically sensitive for India, apart from making life difficult for ordinary Bangladeshis. In his effort to cling on to power, the scheming Yunus alternates between habitual India-bashing and divisive agendas to keep rivals off tack. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In causing diplomatic friction with India, authoring wholesale pivot to China, and calling for a more robust American involvement in the region, Yunus is redrawing the strategic underpinnings of Bangladesh's foreign policy, initiating transformative changes without Parliamentary backing or democratic buy-in when as the head of a caretaker government all he needs to do is ensure political, social and economic stability to ensure free, fair and inclusive elections. This fundamental mismatch between Yunus's self-image as a 'saviour' of Bangladesh, his vaulting ambition, strong desire to wield power (refer to the US diplomatic cables) and the military and the BNP's assumption of the chief adviser's limited role, lies at the heart of Bangladesh's 'war like' situation that Yunus blames India for. This turmoil couldn't have come at a worse time. Bangladesh is struggling. Growth has stuttered to 3.97%, the slowest in 34 years. The economy is battered with industry shutdowns, high inflation, unemployment, falling wages and steep price rise, potentially putting millions at risk of falling into extreme poverty. Foreign investors are staying away. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD IANS quotes data from Bangladesh's central bank to report that Dhaka's flow of FDI fell to $104.33 million in the July-September quarter of 2024-25 fiscal, the lowest in six years, and the country received 71% less foreign investment year-on-year, down from $360.5 million in the July-September period of FY24. The flagship garment sector that plays a significant role in Bangladesh's economy, contributes handsomely to the GDP and employment is besieged with problems. According to a report published last December, in one year '140 factories across various sectors have ceased operations, including 76 in garments, 50 in knitwear, and 14 in textiles. This has led to the loss of approximately 94,000 jobs, with the Beximco Group alone laying off around 40,000 workers from its 15 garment factories. In total, closures have left 134,000 workers unemployed amid the shuttering of 155 factories.' Trump's punishing tariffs on Bangladesh resulting in a halt in orders from America and import restrictions from India have further hit the sector's profitability. Things are so bad that General Waker, during the recent high-level gathering of military commanders at Dhaka Cantonment that generated a lot of media heat, reportedly said, 'garment factories are shutting down one after another, and no one seems concerned. This silence is dangerous.' A clear barb at Yunus. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The 'chief adviser' remains unfazed. He is focused more on ideological agendas such as freeing hardcore war criminals like Jamaat-e-Islami leader ATM Azharul Islam, a death row convict accused of killing 1,256 people, abducting 17, and raping 13 women during the 1971 Liberation War, apart from torturing civilians and setting fire to hundreds of houses. Islam was handed a death sentence in 2014. The Appellate Division of Bangladesh's top court upheld the death sentence five years later. Under the Yunus regime, the same Supreme Court on 27 May scrapped its earlier judgement – a first in history – that upheld the conviction and death sentence and ordered 'immediate release' of Islam, a pointer to how Jamaat is holding the Yunus regime to ransom. In a measure of the distance Bangladesh has travelled under a vindictive, unelected regime, the Bangladesh Supreme Court led by its chief justice on Sunday ordered the Election Commission to restore the registration of Jamaat, the right-wing jihadi outfit that was banned by the Hasina government under anti-terrorism law for its role in violent protests and historical opposition to Bangladesh's independence. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Jamaat, that played a key role in the genocide of Hindus and Bengali-speaking Muslims during the 1971 war alongside the Pakistani army, will now be able to contest in future elections whereas former prime minister Hasina has been charged with 'crimes against humanity', and 'the chief instigator behind the violent crackdown that unfolded during the July and August unrest.' It speaks volumes of Bangladesh's trajectory under Yunus that the banned Awami League will not be allowed to contest elections while Yunus's attack dogs, Jamaat and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir go about persecuting ethnic and religious minorities and altering the secular character of Bangladesh's Constitution. In the zero-sum game of Bangladesh's exclusionary politics, the pendulum will keep swinging from one extreme to the other. Yunus, who is crossing swords with the army chief and wants to replace him with a more pliant man, will soon figure out that he cannot run the country through palace intrigue, mob violence and revenge politics, and by seeking to decouple from India. Yunus is courting China on the one hand, giving it access to Lalmonirhat airfield, close to India's Siliguri Corridor (Chicken's Neck), giving Beijing opportunities to expand strategic influence through Teesta River management project in exchange for China's help in making Bangladesh a manufacturing hub, on the other hand he is embarking on a risky pirouette by giving the US a route to back the Arakan Army rebels in Myanmar's Rakhine state through the so-called 'humanitarian corridor' that Bangladesh's army chief went ballistic about. Since China is seen to be backing Myanmar's military junta, the US sees a chance to lodger proxy war against the Chinese in Myanmar, and Yunus risks making Bangladesh a pawn to the great power game. Yunus has thrown up too many balls in the air, and it remains to be seen if he is a wizard to pull it off, or n usurper who risks taking Bangladesh down with him.

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