Latest news with #Soviet
The Mainichi
4 hours ago
- Politics
- The Mainichi
Japan emperor, empress describe trip to Mongolia as 'truly memorable'
TOKYO (Kyodo) -- Japanese Emperor Naruhito and Empress Masako on Sunday described their visit to Mongolia as "truly memorable" as they concluded a trip aimed at affirming the two nations' enduring friendship and commemorating war victims. "We were able to directly feel the rich history and culture of Mongolia, as well as its natural wonders," they said in a statement released by the Imperial Household Agency, recalling the first state visit to Mongolia by a Japanese emperor. During their eight-day trip, held in a year marking the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, the imperial couple paid their respects to Japanese nationals who died in internment camps in Mongolia after the war. "We prayed for the souls of the deceased who were unwillingly separated from their home and thought about the hardship they faced," they said. After the war, the Soviet military transferred around 14,000 of the approximately 575,000 Japanese prisoners of war held in Siberia to Mongolia, where they were made to work on infrastructure projects for about two years. More than 1,700 are believed to have died. The emperor and empress laid flowers and observed a moment of silence at a memorial established by the Japanese government on the outskirts of Ulaanbaatar on Tuesday. It was the first time an emperor honored the memory of Japanese victims at an overseas internment site. At a banquet hosted the same day by Mongolian President Ukhnaa Khurelsukh and his wife in Ulaanbaatar, the emperor joined a musical performance by traditional horsehead fiddle players with his viola. The imperial couple also attended Naadam, Mongolia's largest annual festival, on Friday. "We have deepened our understanding of the progress of the friendship that has been fostered over many years through the visit," the imperial couple said, expressing their appreciation for being warmly welcomed by the government and the people of Mongolia. "We expect young people to further deepen their mutual interest and play significant roles (in advancing bilateral ties)," they also said. Sandwiched between China and Russia, Mongolia established diplomatic relations with Japan in 1972. The two countries have maintained close ties since the landlocked nation began democratization and economic liberalization in 1990. The imperial couple waved farewell as Mongolian officials saw them off at Chinggis Khaan International Airport. They returned to Tokyo's Haneda Airport later Sunday.
Canada News.Net
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Canada News.Net
From peasant uprising to industrial revolution: hero's hometown revived
GUANGZHOU, July 15 (Xinhua) -- When tourists arrive at Shanwei, a coastal city in south China's Guangdong Province, they quickly notice that red is everywhere. In what is known as the city's red block, the upper facades of street-side shops selling fish maw, eyeglasses and savory Chinese pancakes are painted in red, accented with touches of yellow -- echoing the colors of the flag of the Communist Party of China. Shanwei is a famous "red land." It is the birthplace of China's first Soviet government, the Hai-lu-feng Soviet, established in 1927, and also the hometown of Peng Pai, a Communist hero who led the founding of the government, hailed by Mao Zedong as the "king of peasant uprisings." Today, locals still recount the stories of Peng. Despite being born into a wealthy landowning family, he burned the land deeds to give his lands to farmers after he accepted Marxism. He mobilized countless peasants to join the revolutionary cause before his execution at the age of 33. Peng's rebellion and boldness are regarded as a reflection of the Shanwei people's fearless spirit and strong perseverance. "Peng's dream was to build a new world where the country would become strong and the people could live a happy life. As offspring, we have inherited his legacy," a senior official of the Shanwei government told Xinhua. One example is the achievement of Peng Shilu, the son of Peng Pai. He was arrested after his father's death, but was rescued and sent to the revolutionary base in Yan'an for education. Later, he was sent to study in the Soviet Union. After returning to China, Peng Shilu devoted his life to the nation's nuclear enterprise and was eventually hailed as the "father of China's nuclear submarines." Another prominent Chinese nuclear submarine designer, Huang Xuhua, was also born in Shanwei. Before his passing in February 2025, Huang's story had been widely covered by the media, including a TV drama adaptation that aired in 2021. However, despite being located in the economically developed province of Guangdong and adjacent to the bustling city of Shenzhen, Shanwei struggled to reach such lofty development heights, and historically had a high concentration of underprivileged residents. Until December 2013, there was not even a railway leading to the city. In order to realize Peng Pai's dream, Shanwei's officials went above and beyond painting the streets red, and worked hard to develop the economy. "We have accelerated industrial project implementation and construction by offering proactive, service-oriented governance," said Chen Jianhua, director of the municipal development and reform bureau of Shanwei. He noted that Shanwei has benefited from high-tech business production transferred from bigger cities, adding that the city had been focusing on the new energy vehicle (NEV) sector, attracting upstream and downstream enterprises to establish itself as a major hub for NEVs. One notable example is the Shenshan Special Cooperation Zone, established in 2011 under the cooperation between Shanwei and Shenzhen. Located in Shanwei, the zone has become a key hub for the NEV industry, with Shenzhen-based NEV giant BYD and around 30 companies in the NEV supply chain. According to the official Shenzhen Special Zone Daily, BYD's auto industrial park within the zone had secured total contracted investment exceeding 31.5 billion yuan (about 4.4 billion U.S. dollars) as of February 2025. Following the signing of a construction agreement for the park's fourth phase in November 2024, its total annual output value is projected to exceed 200 billion yuan once all four phases are fully completed and operational. Previously, some investors doubted Shanwei's ability to complete the construction in the industrial park within the specified time. But the hard-working local people completed the task ahead of the scheduled deadline. At the same time, Shanwei has developed itself into a major clean energy supply hub for the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area through the development of wind power. The city has the world's largest 18-megawatt offshore wind turbine and the largest 16-megawatt floating offshore wind turbine. By the end of 2024, new energy accounted for nearly 30 percent of the city's total installed power generation capacity, reaching 9.17 million kilowatts. The city has also upgraded its ports to accommodate large container ships. The development of new energy and new ports has therefore attracted more partners who hope to export their products to the European Union to invest in the city. Between 2020 and 2024, Shanwei recorded an average annual GDP growth rate of 5.5 percent, outperforming any other city in the province during the period. Chen said the city was evolving into a key focal point on China's eastern coastline. "With its tradition of bold innovation, Shanwei is striving to transform from a revolutionary base area into a modern industrial stronghold," he added. This also reflects the changes happening in China, a country that is striving for modernization. The economic boom has drawn back many Shanwei natives, who had once left to seek opportunities elsewhere, with renewed hope. Liu Dejiang, 37, came back to Shanwei to open a coffee shop in 2022, after closing a clothing business that he had run for over 10 years in Guangzhou due to market changes. Now he owns eight outlets in operation or under preparation in Shanwei. The first outlet was constructed on the site of an abandoned abalone farm at a beach in Shanwei's Red Bay. Liu named it "Floating Sun Hideaway," inspired by its impressive sunset view. What happened next, Liu describes, was a "breakout." Young people flocked in to take pictures to share on social media, attracting more visitors to check in. Some even came from as far away as Beijing or Chongqing. "We have benefited from Shanwei's rural revitalization efforts that have renovated the environment of villages in the city's suburbs," Liu said. To attract vacationers, the local government has removed a number of aquaculture farms, set up water purification facilities, launched regular cleanups of coastlines, and invited artists to create paintings on the facades along the seaside street, incorporating ocean-themed elements such as whales and sailboats. At a corner of the Red Bay beach, a stone monument inscribed with the words "Beautiful Red Bay," penned by nuclear submarine designer Huang Xuhua, is a tourist's photo favorite. Indeed, Red Bay has made a name for itself among the younger generation. "I decided to come here after reading some reviews of this place on 'rednote,' and I found it to be super photogenic. I will definitely come again," said Cai Jinhan, a 20-year-old female who traveled to Red Bay from another city in Guangdong. "It's hard to imagine how far young people today are willing to go just to capture the perfect photo," Liu said. In 2024, Shanwei received over 9.5 million tourist visits, a 15.1 percent increase from the previous year, with its tourism revenue exceeding 10 billion yuan for the first time. Meanwhile, the city's permanent population increased by nearly 10,000 from 2023, marking the second consecutive year of positive population growth. Liu has become the chairman of the newly established Shanwei Young People Entrepreneurship Association, which has over 80 members, all of whom are Shanwei natives returning to start businesses, ranging from tourism to fruit processing. It provides regular entrepreneurship counseling services and gives lectures in local colleges. "With an improving business environment and more support for businesses in Shanwei, we hope to work together to contribute to rural revitalization and achieve further development," he said.
India.com
7 hours ago
- Politics
- India.com
Why Russia Chose To Watch And Not Act In The Iran-Israel War
New Delhi: As explosions tore through the Middle Eastern night and cities braced for what might come next, Russia stood still. A country once quick to assert itself in global crises now watched in silence. Twelve days of relentless fighting between Iran and Israel, triggered further by a U.S. strike, left Moscow unmoved, at least on the surface. The question lingers what held Russia back? The answer lies in decades of tangled history, shifting alliances and geopolitical compulsions that run far deeper than any war headline. For Russia, the Middle East has always been more than a distant battleground. It is close, geographically and strategically. The region holds keys to energy access, influence over global trade routes and a chance to counterbalance American power, especially in the western Indian Ocean. And therefore, Russia has long sought a seat at the table of power in the region. But when Tehran and Tel Aviv exchanged firepower, Moscow found its hands tied. The Kremlin's official response followed a familiar script. It condemned both the United States and Israel for violating international law and the UN Charter. But beyond that, no military moves, no real intervention. Just words. Russia's war in Ukraine has drained its bandwidth. Its global image is bruised. At the same time, it has been quietly strengthening economic ties with Israel – trade, technology and people-to-people links run deep. In such a landscape, coming out strongly in Iran's favour risks unravelling other strategic threads. And so, Moscow remains cautious. Even diplomacy has hit a wall. Russia once offered to mediate between Iran and Israel, but that proposal was brushed aside by U.S. President Donald Trump. With Washington calling the shots, Moscow's room to maneuver keeps shrinking. This conflict has peeled back the layers on Russia's limitations. Its much-touted military partnership with Iran looks fragile under real stress. And its hopes of positioning itself as a regional balancer are faltering. History has not made this easy either. Soviet-Iranian ties were always complicated. While the USSR was one of the first to recognise the Islamic Republic after 1979, distrust never really left the room. Moscow's invasion of Afghanistan did not help. Tehran saw it as a threat to its neighbourhood. A negative image of the Soviet state began to take hold in the minds of Iran's leaders, scarring cooperation efforts for years to come. Still, Russia tried to find common ground. In 1995, it signed a deal to help build a light-water nuclear reactor at Bushehr. Iranian engineers trained in Russian nuclear centres. That move rattled the Americans, but Moscow pushed forward. At least, for a while. By July of that same year, under U.S. pressure, Russia made a quiet pivot. It halted the sale of conventional weapons to Iran. That single decision spoke volumes. Moscow had to pick its battles and its business partners. Today, that tightrope walk continues. Russia needs Iran for influence. It needs Israel for trade. It cannot afford to lose either. So while the region burns, Moscow stays behind the curtain. Watching. Calculating. Waiting.
Yahoo
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Two sworn enemies unite against Putin
The collapse of relations between Russia and Azerbaijan came in a series of quick-fire blows. It began with the arrest of seven nationals from the former Soviet republic last month in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg. They were held as part of an investigation by Moscow into mafia-style killings dating back 25 years. Within days, two suspects – both ethnic Azerbaijanis – died in custody. Others appeared in court visibly bruised and beaten. Azerbaijan responded with fury. Russian cultural events were cancelled, the Baku bureau of the Kremlin-owned Sputnik news agency was raided, and a group of Russian IT workers was arrested and accused of drug-trafficking and cybercrime. Then came the threat, on Russian state TV, that Baku could be 'taken in three days', echoing rhetoric used before the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. War is unlikely. But the rift is real – and dangerous for Moscow because Armenia, after fighting a series of brutal wars with Azerbaijan over 30 years, is aligning with its old enemy to push Putin out of the South Caucasus. On July 10, Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijan's president, met Nikol Pashinyan, the prime minister of Armenia. Their direct talks focused on the Zangezur Corridor, a proposed route linking Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave via southern Armenia. The corridor would fulfil a pan-Turkic dream of physically connecting Azerbaijan with Turkey and would form part of the 'Middle Corridor' trade route from China and Central Asia to Europe. Under the 2020 ceasefire agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the route was to be monitored by Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB). But that arrangement is now under threat, with Mr Aliyev wanting to cut Moscow out of the deal and have it fully under Azerbaijani control. 'This is Russia's last big card in the region,' said Neil Melvin, director of international security at the Royal United Services Institute (Rusi). 'It allows them to control trade routes and leverage relationships with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Losing it would be a major blow.' Although the talks on July 10 were inconclusive, momentum is shifting. Mr Pashinyan visited Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the president of Turkey, in Istanbul last month, a significant meeting given Armenia and Turkey have no formal diplomatic ties. Afterwards, Mr Erdoğan said Armenia was showing a 'more flexible approach' to the Zangezur Corridor, despite having previously opposed it. The West, meanwhile, has floated the idea of putting the route under neutral international control, such as a Swiss or American firm, effectively excluding Russia altogether. Like Azerbaijan's, Armenia's ties with Moscow have frayed – especially since 2023, when Russian peacekeepers largely stood aside during Baku's lightning offensive to retake the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Nearly the entire Armenian population fled, and Azerbaijan was accused of ethnic cleansing. Since then Mr Pashinyan has leaned towards the West and sought reconciliation with Baku, believing that Armenia's long-term future is threatened if it maintains hostile relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey. This is far from popular in Armenia. Mr Pashinyan has one of the lowest approval ratings of any leader in the world and a recent spat with the Armenian Apostolic Church saw two archbishops arrested on charges of plotting against the government. However, Nurlan Aliyev, a senior researcher at the College of Europe, said Mr Pashinyan's geopolitical reshuffling has pushed Baku and Yerevan together regarding their position on Russia. Mr Aliyev said: 'Both countries understand that they need to create a South Caucasus security architecture without Russian participation, one that regional states will support themselves. 'We have not yet seen a final peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia, but there are positive signs. A final peace agreement would be a major blow to Russia's position in the South Caucasus.' For the president of Azerbaijan, the days of taking orders from Moscow appear to be over. Analysts say he is using the Yekaterinburg incident to not just demand justice, but to assert independence. 'The problem in relations with Baku is serious,' a former high-ranking Russian diplomat told The Telegraph. 'President Aliyev bared his teeth, as any authoritarian leader would. He now sees himself as a triumphant figure. Moscow no longer dictates terms.' Bashir Kitachayev of the Carnegie Centre in Berlin said Baku is taking advantage of the incident to push back against Moscow. 'The deaths of two Azerbaijanis in Yekaterinburg served merely as a convenient pretext,' he said. 'They [the Azerbaijani authorities] are using the situation to bolster their position at home and abroad by escalating tensions with Moscow.' The shift was underlined by a publicised call between Mr Aliyev and Volodymyr Zelensky, the president of Ukraine, in which they discussed forming closer ties. It was a pointed signal from Azerbaijan, a country long seen as aligned with Moscow. The Kremlin, meanwhile, is trying to reframe the standoff as a Western plot. 'The scriptwriter and conductor of disagreements with Azerbaijan is located outside the post-Soviet space,' said Grigory Karasin, chairman of Russia's international affairs committee. Vladimir Dzhabarov, a Russian senator and former KGB officer, went further by accusing MI6 and Turkey of stirring unrest. In truth, the cracks began long before Yekaterinburg. Last Christmas, Russia mistakenly shot down an Azerbaijan Airlines jet. Baku refused to move past the incident, ultimately forcing Putin to apologise and offer compensation, in a rare diplomatic climbdown. Now fully aware of the power of public confrontation, Baku did not hesitate to retaliate in the wake of the arrests in Yekaterinburg. The fallout also threatens Russia's prized North-South Corridor – a trade route linking Moscow to Iran and India that runs through Azerbaijan. Losing access to the corridor could deliver a real economic blow, especially as Russia seeks ways to get around Western sanctions. Arkady Dubnov, a post-Soviet affairs expert, wrote on Telegram that Moscow's main concern was preserving that corridor. It knows, he said, that alienating Baku completely could threaten those plans. For now, Russia will continue blaming the West while working behind the scenes to try to salvage its relationships. But for Azerbaijan and Armenia – nations once treated like Soviet satellites – they are setting their own course and increasingly, it does not involve Russia. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Fast Company
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Fast Company
I dropped out to keep up—Students today shouldn't have to make that choice
In the early eighties, I went to school in the USSR. Every morning, we sat in rows, eyes front, hands still. On our desks sat wooden abacuses—not relics, but the official tools for learning math. One day, I was gifted something extraordinary: a calculator. At the time, it was a rare and deeply prized possession. Holding it felt like holding the future. My teacher noticed. He walked over and, with the calm authority only the Soviet system could produce, said, 'Don't waste your time using the calculator. They're hard to find and easy to break. The abacus is everywhere. And besides, you need to learn how to think.' That moment never left me. Not because he was wrong—but because he was loyal to a system that had stopped evolving. A system that mistook availability for relevance and standardization for wisdom. I've seen the same inertia in modern education systems around the world. We've built institutions still shaped by industrial-age logic while the workplace has already transformed. Students are being prepared using structures that are only slightly updated—tweaked around the edges but stagnant at their core. The result is a generation at risk of being overeducated, underprepared, and unemployable in the world they're entering. I'VE SPENT MY LIFE BUILDING THE FUTURE. NOW I'M SOUNDING THE ALARM. For decades, I've helped organizations—from Fortune 500s and startups to Olympic committees and governments—reimagine their future through emerging technologies. My career has been about identifying opportunity and accelerating transformation. I've also learned to spot systemic breakdowns before they explode. What's happening in education has all the markings of one we can still prevent—if we act fast. In the mid-1990s, I enrolled in college to study computer science. It quickly became clear that the pace of real-world innovation—especially in internet development—was far outpacing what was being taught. While professors explained outdated concepts, entrepreneurs were busy building the digital future. So I made a choice. I dropped out—not to rebel, but to keep up. I wanted to build, not analyze what had already been built. I wanted to create, not stay stuck in theory. In hindsight, I don't romanticize that decision. I wish I hadn't needed to make it. I wish the system had evolved fast enough to keep me engaged instead of forcing me out. That's what I want for the next generation: an education system that moves at the speed of relevance—so students don't have to choose between staying enrolled and staying ahead. THE NUMBERS TELL THE TRUTH WE KEEP AVOIDING Since 2010, U.S. college enrollment has dropped by more than two million students. Tuition continues to rise, even as the market shifts. Employers today want AI fluency, critical thinking, adaptability, and real-world problem-solving. They're not looking for degrees—they're looking for ability. And yet, students are punished for using the same tools the workforce rewards. If a student uses ChatGPT to help structure an argument or explore a new topic, it's often labeled as cheating. If an analyst at a consulting firm does the same, it's called efficiency. One gets written up. The other gets promoted. We're sending contradictory signals by demanding that students adapt to the real world while banning the tools they'll need to thrive in it. It's not just outdated. It's actively harmful. AI ISN'T THE PROBLEM. EDUCATION'S REFUSAL TO EVOLVE IS. Degrees once signaled potential. They were shorthand for competence, persistence, and professional readiness. But that shorthand no longer holds. Students know this. That's why they're turning to bootcamps, certificates, and platforms that teach what's actually needed. They're building portfolios, learning from real creators, and developing skills at a speed traditional systems can't match. Yet when they bring that initiative into classrooms, it's often penalized. Resourcefulness is labeled dishonesty. Creativity is dismissed as rule-breaking. The system still rewards conformity while the world celebrates agility. We are discouraging the very behaviors that define success in the real world. AI didn't break education—it exposed its cracks. It showed us how reliant we've become on memorization, how slow we've been to adapt curriculum, and how afraid we are to let go of control. While students use AI to code, write, visualize, and simulate, many schools are still debating whether these tools even belong in the classroom. This isn't a conversation about tools. It's a question of leadership and whether our institutions are willing to shift before they get left behind. 3 THINGS EVERY EDUCATION LEADER MUST DO NOW 1. Train Every Educator In AI AI shouldn't be confined to IT departments or elective tracks. Every teacher, professor, and administrator should understand how to integrate AI into their teaching —how to model it, challenge it, and guide students through it. 2. Incorporate AI Into The Curriculum As A Tool—Not A Subject Students should be using AI in every subject area: writing, research, science, math, history, design. AI should become as normal as a calculator or a web browser. It's not about adding content; it's about changing the way content is engaged. 3. Build Entrepreneurial Ecosystems We must move beyond job training. The best education systems will encourage students to become creators, founders, and collaborators. That means building partnerships with local startups, global companies, VCs, and nonprofits to create opportunities students can step into before they graduate. I'm not writing this from the sidelines. I've worked with brilliant professors, fearless administrators, and forward-thinking deans who are fighting to shift their institutions from the inside. I've learned from them. And as a father, I want my kids—Matthew and Zachary—to grow up in a world where those educators are empowered, not restricted. But let's be honest: We're asking students to follow a path that even we don't believe in anymore. We tell ourselves we're preparing them for the future, but the truth is, that future has already outpaced us. In many cases, we haven't even caught up to the present. The institutions willing to acknowledge this—and act—will shape the next generation of leaders, inventors, and that don't will become cautionary tales of what happens when relevance is ignored and courage is postponed.
