The CIA Created a Fake STAR WARS Fan Site As Cover for a Spy Network in the 2000s
Spies and spy networks are no strangers to the Star Wars galaxy. Andor was all about that, and we've had references to 'rebel spies' as far back as the original trilogy. But did you know that Star Wars was used as a cover for actual real-world spies by the CIA? We learned via 404 Media that security researcher Ciro Santilli discovered that, back in the mid-to-late-2000s, the CIA created a fake Star Wars fan site. A Star Wars site they secretly used to communicate with informants in other countries. The name of this particular site was StarWarsWeb.net. If you click on that link now, it takes you directly to the official CIA website. So we'd say his research was accurate.
Of course, the site is long gone, but screenshots exist of it. And it is very much a time capsule of that era of the internet. The agents who designed it sure did their Star Wars homework. The screenshot shows a little boy in Jedi robes, with links to several Star Wars websites. Interestingly, many of those sites still exist today. There are some images of animated Clone Wars-era Yoda, which means the CIA was using this fake Star Wars site at least until 2010, not long after the show debuted on Cartoon Network.
Here's where things get dark, however. Aside from this one Star Wars site, there were other pop culture and gaming websites used by the CIA in this manner. Eventually, Iranian authorities discovered these sites, and we now know of their link to the killing of several CIA sources in China, circa 2010-2012. Which is about the time that StarWarsWeb.net went away. Luckily, thanks to sites like the Wayback Machine, we have evidence of its existence. In Return of the Jedi, Mon Mothma sadly says 'Many Bothans died to bring us this information,' in a reference to her spy network. In reality, it seems many actual spies died using Star Wars as a cover. It's a truly tragic example of 'Art imitates life, life imitates art.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


CNBC
an hour ago
- CNBC
Why U.S. policies like baby bonds and child tax credits can't convince Americans to have kids
America's fertility rate is hovering around historic lows, with approximately 1.6 births per woman over her lifetime. This is below the level needed to sustain the population, which is 2.1 births per woman. "Our population will, in the not too distant future, start to decline," said Melissa Kearney, a professor of economics at the University of Maryland. "That's why this is an issue for governments and for the economy, and politicians are starting to pay attention." The economic implications of a shrinking population are broad. For example, fewer births mean fewer future workers to support programs like Social Security and Medicare, which rely on a healthy worker-to-retiree ratio. "The concern here in the U.S. is that if we see kind of dramatic declines in fertility, we will eventually see also kind of a drag on our economy and our capacity to cover all sorts of government programs like Medicare and Social Security," said Brad Wilcox, a sociology professor at the University of Virginia and director of the Get Married Initiative at the Institute For Family Studies. More from Personal Finance:House GOP bill calls for bigger 'pass-through' business tax breakTrump administration axes Biden-era barrier for crypto in 401(k) plansFewer international tourists may lead to 'staggering' economic losses Lawmakers from both parties have proposed various financial incentives to address declining fertility. The White House is considering lump-sum payments of $5,000 for each newborn, according to The New York Times. Last week, the House passed a massive tax and spending package that includes among other provisions, a bigger child tax credit and new "Trump Accounts" with $1,000 in seed money for newborns. However, Kearney said such policy measures are unlikely to meaningfully affect long-term fertility trends. "I think the kinds of financial incentives or benefits that we're providing just really aren't enough to really change the calculus of, a trade off of ... bringing a child into one's household or family," Kearney said. "That's an 18-year commitment. It's not just a one-year cost." The issue may go beyond money. It's common for fertility to decline during economic uncertainty, but it usually rebounds once the shock ends, experts say. Surprisingly, birth rates did not recover after the Great Recession. "That kind of caught a lot of demographers around the world flat-footed, because it also didn't happen in other countries," said Karen Guzzo, director of Carolina Population Center and a sociology professor at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. "So this goes against a lot of this demographic history that we have, which led people to start thinking, okay, what exactly might be happening?" Even with stronger economic support, experts say America faces a deeper, more complex problem: a cultural shift in how people view parenthood itself. "More and more young adults are kind of assuming that what matters for them is their education, their money, and especially their careers," Wilcox said. Watch the video above to learn more about why government efforts to raise America's birthrate have struggled to address the deeper economic and cultural challenges.

Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Miami Herald
Giant Construction Projects Boom as U.S. Lifts Syria Sanctions
Syria has signed a $7 billion deal with a consortium of U.S., Qatari, and Turkish energy firms to build new power plants, part of a broader push to revive its energy infrastructure, after President Donald Trump recently announced lifting sanctions on the war-ravaged country. The projects are a sign of Syria's re-emergence after years of conflict and international isolation and of the investment it can potentially attract for infrastructure construction. They also show the way that U.S., Gulf and Turkish administrations and companies seek to take a lead in a country formerly aligned with Iran. Aiming to breathe life into a war-weary Syria and to assist new President Ahmed al-Sharaa, Trump's surprise announcement in Riyadh on lifting sanctions marked a pivotal moment in his Middle East visit-one with significant implications for U.S.-Arab relations. U.S. Special Envoy for Syria Tom Barrack, announced the deal a day after arriving in the country, marking the first official U.S. visit to Syria in 12 years. "Only a week after President Trump's announcement to lift sanctions, we have already unlocked billions of dollars of international investment for Syria," Barrack posted to his X account. Syria signed the memory of understanding with a consortium led by the Qatari-based UCC Holding. The deal includes four gas power plants in Homs, Hama, and Deir-Azzour with a total capacity of 4,000 MW, plus a 1,000 MW solar plant in southern Syria. The breakthrough in U.S.-Syria relations follows the ouster of the Iranian-backed Assad regime. However, there remains skepticism about Syria's stability and continuing violence. Further concerns of renewed ISIS threats persist. ISIS claimed responsibility for its first two attacks in Syria under the new government on Thursday-one hitting seven soldiers in Sweida and another targeting the U.S.-backed Free Syrian Army according to The Associated Press. U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Türkiye and Special Envoy for Syria Tom Barrack wrote on X: "Thanks to @POTUS, Syria is OPEN FOR BUSINESS, and thanks to Qatar and Türkiye, the old boundaries and borders are collapsing. Commerce not chaos!" Syria's Energy Minister Mohammed Al Bashir, ass quoted by the company's press release: "This agreement marks a crucial step in Syria's infrastructure recovery plan. It will strengthen our national grid, expand access to electricity, and help meet growing demand through partnerships that combine international expertise with local priorities." Construction will start after final agreements, with gas plants completed in three years and the solar plant in under two years, UCC Holding said. Syria can expect to attract significantly more infrastructure investment if the security situation allows. Related Articles Why MBS Is Keeping the Pressure on Iran | OpinionThe Sanctions Era Is Quietly Ending. The West Isn't Ready | OpinionDonald Trump's Middle East Tour: Five Things We LearnedIsrael Issues Warnings to Syria and Turkey as Trump Praises Their Leaders 2025 NEWSWEEK DIGITAL LLC.

Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Miami Herald
Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government
The head of a dissident Iranian Kurdish movement has told Newsweek his group is urging the United States to foster contacts with opposition factions in the Islamic Republic to undermine and ultimately overthrow the government. "We think that the administration should have an open-door policy with the Democratic opposition to the Iranian regime, like Kurdish people, like different ethnic minorities, different ethnic political groups, providing they are not terrorists, providing they are not undemocratic," Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary-general of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, told Newsweek. "We think it is in the best national the United States to have a direct dialogue with the different components of the Iranian opposition," he added, "because if the United States has ties with them, the regime might collapse under pressure from domestic crises." And while some critics of Iran voice opposition to U.S. President Donald Trump's efforts to strike a nuclear agreement with Tehran, Mohtadi felt a deal that restricted the Islamic Republic's nuclear program would only further serve to impair, rather than empower, the government. "We stand for a non-nuclear Iran, like the Trump administration does," Mohtadi said. "We also share the administration's policy of countering Iran's malign activity in the region. In my opinion, a deal based on these points does not strengthen the regime. In fact, it weakens it." Iran is a diverse nation comprising a variety of ethnic communities, the largest of which is the Persian community. Other sizable groups include Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Lurs and Balochis. Kurds, often considered the world's largest stateless people, primarily inhabit territory spanning Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, with Iranian Kurds mostly present in the northwestern provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam and parts of Hamadan and Lorestan. Kurds are estimated to comprise around 10 percent of the Iranian population, constituting approximately 8–12 million people. They are largely Sunni Muslim, while the vast majority of Iranians adhere to Shiite Islam. As is the case with the other three countries in which substantial Kurdish populations reside, Iran has a troubled history with its Kurdish minority, some of whom have accused the ruling governments of suppressing their rights dating back centuries and some of whom have resorted to force to challenge authorities. Kurdish groups have also been used as proxies in rivalries between regional powers, both during and after Iran's monarchist era that ended with the 1979 Islamic Revolution. During the 1980s Iran-Iraq War that ensued, Kurdish factions on both sides fought against their respective governments. Komala emerged as one of the leading Kurdish armed groups, adopting a Marxist-Leninist outlook, to challenge the newly formed Islamic Republic. The party has operated largely underground, establishing networks both within the country and abroad. The group has also splintered several times, with Mohtadi's faction splitting from the Communist Party wing in 2000. For more than a decade, Mohtadi has sought to foster U.S. contacts and in 2018, under the first Trump administration, Komala opened its first office in Washington, D.C. Other leading Kurdish movements in Iran include the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) and the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK). Like Komala, these groups have been engaged in clashes with Iranian security personnel, including deadly incidents that have taken place in recent years. All three parties are designated terrorist organizations by the Iranian government, and Komala is also viewed as a terrorist organization. A representative of PDKI declined to comment to Newsweek. Newsweek has also reached out to PJAK, the Iranian Mission to the United Nations, and the U.S. Department of State for comment. After Mohtadi previously appealed for U.S. support during an October 2022 interview with Newsweek, the Iranian Mission reiterated that the "Komala Party is identified as an active terrorist group that has martyred hundreds of people in Mahabad and other cities in Iran." "If the US administration is committed to fighting terrorism, there should not be any adequate means and facilities for political activities and meetings at the disposal of this group," the Iranian Mission told Newsweek at the time. Mohtadi emphasized, however, that he no longer views armed resistance as the most viable path toward achieving Komala's aims in Iran, noting the recent disbanding of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in its decades-long insurgency against Turkey. "Kurds have been struggling for their rights for decades, hundreds of years," Mohtadi said. But I believe that the era of armed struggle, or getting victory through armed struggle, is over, and the PKK disarmament is a kind of [an] example for that." "Our success in organizing general strikes and in organizing the mass movements during the Jina revolution also is a testament to that effect," he added. The Jina movement refers to the large-scale protests under the banner of "Women, Life, Freedom" that erupted across Iran in response to the death of 22-year-old Kurdish Iranian Mahsa Amini, also known as Jina, or Zhina, Amini, while in police custody in September 2022. Activists have accused Iranian authorities of killing Amini after her detention on charges of failing to adhere to the country's dress code. Iranian officials have rejected this narrative, pointing to an investigation that allegedly showed she died of natural causes. Her cousin, a member of Komala's communist faction, has denied that she had any ties to Kurdish opposition groups. Mohtadi said Komala has played a leading role in promoting Kurdish opposition efforts through the protest movement, organizing strikes and other forms of civil disobedience. In doing so, he said, he has allied with PDKI, though he rejected the continued practice of attacking Iranian personnel as carried out by PJAK, which was most recently tied to the killing of an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) soldier in October. "As far as far as the civil movements are concerned, I think they are more effective than Kalashnikovs now," Mohtadi said, "and the Jina movement, the Woman, Life Freedom movement, proved it." Through the Women, Life, Freedom movement, Mohtadi said Komala is "seeking and actively fighting for a Kurdish united front inside Iranian Kurdistan." He said this effort includes reinvigorating young Iranian Kurds to take action on the streets. The large-scale protests and unrest that emerged after Amini's death drew international attention to both women's rights and Kurdish rights in Iran, while drawing domestic outrage toward hardliners in the government. Some took their hopes for change to the ballots. Last August, following the death of principalist President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash, reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian, who hails from Azeri-Turkish roots, won a snap election on a platform that included promoting the rights of ethnic minorities, including Kurds. Pezeshkian appointed the first Sunni Kurdish governor of the Kurdistan province in 45 years and chose the semiautonomous Kurdish region of neighboring Iraq as his first foreign visit. However, Mohtadi envisions more comprehensive measures that would grant Kurds greater self-rule within Iran, similar to Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). Both quasi-states were established with direct support from Washington in the wake of the Gulf War and the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, respectively. "We do not copy their model, but generally speaking, yes, we are for a federal Iran," Mohtadi said, "as my party and my people in Iranian Kurdistan supports a federal, democratic political structure in the future of Iran, which means that people have a say in running their own affairs in the Kurdish regions." He affirmed that this would include local, Kurdish leadership tasked with overseeing matters of governance, education and even security. But Mohtadi argued that Komala's work was not solely targeted toward Iranian Kurds and also sought to foster cooperation with other ethnic communities and opposition movements, including both republicans and monarchists, "with the exception of extremists, radical Islamists and those who engage in terrorist activities." Such fringe groups, he argued, are "not useful to the democratic movement against the regime. Sometimes, in fact, they are harmful." He cited an example of a recent alliance he struck with Iran's exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi that was ultimately "sabotaged by extremist monarchists." Disunity has also plagued Kurdish movements abroad, whose gains remain limited and face constant threats of reversal. When Iraq's KRG moved to seek independence in 2017, nearly every regional country, along with the U.S., opposed the measure. In response to the vote, Iraqi troops retook vast swathes of territory seized by Kurdish forces during their joint fight against the Islamic State militant group (ISIS). Two court rulings in Baghdad last year paved the way for further centralization in Iraq, removing a parliamentary quota system for electing minorities and revoking the KRG's authority to distribute salaries to its employees. Even more recently in Syria, the Pentagon-backed Syrian Democratic Forces, who lead the AANES, signed an agreement in March to become integrated into the central government in Damascus, now headed by Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, the former Islamist militant chief credited with leading the rebel offensive that toppled President Bashar al-Assad in December. Two months later, mutual distrust remains. While Sharaa has promised to afford greater recognition to Syrian Kurds, he has rejected calls for greater decentralization and talk of separatist ideals. Despite these setbacks, Mohtadi remained optimistic about what lies ahead for Kuds in Iran and beyond, while acknowledging the need to continue striving for greater international support. "We have to raise our political awareness about the Kurdish rights and the Kurdish issue in the West, in the United States, with the administration, with the media, with the Congress," Mohtadi said. "We have to continue our work. It takes time, but we will succeed. We will succeed. I'm hopeful for the future of the Kurds more than before." However, while generally supportive of the Kurdish cause in other countries, such as Iraq, Syria and Turkey, Mohtadi was reluctant to frame Komala's current goals as being linked to the long-sought establishment of a united, independent Kurdistan spanning all four nations. "This is the dream of every Kurd, and it is something we deserve, but it should be left to future generations to resolve," Mohtadi said. "At this stage, every part of Kurdistan should seek their respective rights within the boundaries of the countries in which there are significant Kurdish populations." Still, the Kurdish issue has a tendency to transcend borders. A number of Iranian Kurdish factions, including PJAK and Komala's Communist Party and Reform factions, are known to operate in Iraq's Kurdish regions. The Iranian military has occasionally launched attacks against Kurdish targets, most recently in January of last year, when the IRGC conducted a series of missile strikes against what Iranian officials alleged to be a base for Israel's Mossad intelligence agency in the KRG capital of Erbil. Leadership in both Baghdad and Erbil rejected the supposed Israeli presence in northern Iraq. Israel does, however, have a long history of seeking to promote ties with Kurdish movements across the Middle East, particularly in Iraq and Syria. Mossad leadership has in past decades made direct contact with Iraqi Kurdish officials, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was the first and potentially only world leader to support the KRG's independence bid in 2017, prompting further regional backlash. The situation in Iran is in some ways even more complicated. Netanyahu, having played a pivotal role in supporting Trump's 2018 decision to scrap the nuclear deal secured by former President Barack Obama three years earlier, is once again fueling skepticism toward a new agreement with Tehran. In place of diplomacy, the Israeli premier has repeatedly threatened strikes against Iran's nuclear facilities, with some officials calling for preemptive joint action alongside the U.S. Trump, however, has downplayed his enthusiasm for such kinetic measures, and has warned Netanyahu against taking unilateral action that could threaten the ongoing nuclear negotiations. Mohtadi, for his part, was similarly cautious about the prospect of foreign military action against Iran, though he did not rule out forging a partnership with Israel. "We welcome any support from any democratic country in the region or in the West for our struggle against this regime," Mohtadi said. "We haven't had any. What we need is in the future is that a free, democratic Iran, will not be an enemy of Israel." "We do not want this slogan of destruction of Israel to continue in the future," he added. "We don't want hostilities against the United States and the West. We do not want hostilities against our neighbors in the future and the remedy for all of these bad policies is a democratic change in Iran." Related Articles Iran May Hold the Key to Trump's Nuclear RevolutionUS and Iran Nuclear Deal Could Be Sealed at Next Meeting: ReportTrump Says Iran Strike Would Be 'Inappropriate' for Israel Amid TalksChina's Military Presence Grows on Doorstep of New U.S. Partner 2025 NEWSWEEK DIGITAL LLC.