
The heavens weep as humanity watches Sudan starve
Let us not mince words — this is not a natural disaster; it is a crime against humanity, unfolding in slow motion, a damning indictment of our collective moral bankruptcy.
Sudan is a nation ravaged by internal strife, a battleground where the spoils are power and the currency is human suffering. Decades of misrule, the cynical exploitation of ethnic divisions and the insatiable greed of warlords have brought
The current conflict, a brutal dance of death between rival factions, is merely the latest act in a long-running tragedy, a tragedy fueled by the same forces that have historically bled Africa dry: the lust for control and callous disregard for human life. To ignore this history is to misunderstand the present, to treat the symptoms while ignoring the festering wound.
The
The rains, which should bring relief, will instead transform the land into an impassable quagmire, turning refugee camps into death traps and sealing the fate of those already clinging to the precipice of survival. This is not a natural disaster; it is a calculated atrocity, a crime for which there must be accountability.
The world's response has been a shameful whisper where a deafening roar of outrage is required. Pledges of aid remain unfulfilled and diplomatic efforts are as feeble as they are ineffectual. We must abandon the language of polite diplomacy and speak the blunt truth — those who perpetuate this conflict, those who obstruct aid, those who turn a blind eye to the suffering of the Sudanese people are complicit in this impending famine.
Therefore, we demand immediate and decisive action:
An immediate and rigorously monitored ceasefire:
The warring factions, Generals Burhan and Hemedti, must be compelled to lay down their arms unconditionally and prioritise the survival of the Sudanese people above their personal ambitions. This must be done through the imposition of targeted international sanctions freezing their assets and restricting their movements, coupled with the credible threat of prosecution by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and obstruction of aid.
The urgent establishment of fully protected and internationally guaranteed humanitarian corridors:
These corridors, secured by UN peacekeepers if necessary, must ensure the safe and unimpeded passage of life-saving aid — food, water, medicine — to all affected populations, without the consent or interference of the warring parties. Any obstruction must be met with swift and decisive international repercussions.
A massive and immediate mobilisation of financial and logistical resources, spearheaded by the AU and the UN:
Wealthy nations and international financial institutions must immediately release earmarked and readily disbursable funds, bypassing bureaucratic delays, to bolster the efforts of the World Food Programme, the International Committee of the Red Cross and other frontline humanitarian organisations. This must be accompanied by the urgent deployment of logistical support — military transport aircraft, trucks and experienced personnel — to pre-position supplies before the rainy season isolates entire regions. African nations with logistical capabilities must take a leading role in this effort, demonstrating continental solidarity.
A unified and forceful diplomatic offensive, led by the AU, with the full backing of the UN Security Council:
The AU must convene an emergency summit to forge a cohesive African strategy, leveraging the influence of regional leaders to pressure the warring factions. The Security Council must move beyond mere statements and adopt binding resolutions that impose concrete consequences for the perpetuation of violence and the obstruction of aid, including targeted sanctions and arms embargoes. External actors who are seen to be fueling the conflict must be unequivocally condemned and held accountable.
A long-term commitment to inclusive governance and development:
While addressing the immediate crisis is paramount, the international community, particularly African nations, must commit to a sustained effort to support a genuinely inclusive political transition in Sudan, one that addresses the root causes of marginalisation and inequality. This includes investing in sustainable development, strengthening civil society and ensuring accountability for past and present human rights abuses.
The Sudanese people deserve the right to self-determination, the right to live free from violence and hunger. The approaching rains are not just a meteorological event; they are a deadline for action, a test of our collective conscience. Will we stand idly by as Sudan is consumed by famine or will we rise up with the fierce and unwavering determination that this moment demands? The world is watching. History is judging. Let us not fail this test of our shared humanity.
Lindani Zungu is a Mandela Rhodes scholar pursuing a master's in political studies while serving as the editor-in-chief of the youth-oriented publication,
Voices of Mzansi
.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

The Herald
2 hours ago
- The Herald
DA slams education minister Buti Manamela over Seta appointments
Manamela said his decision marks the first step in stabilising the governance failures in the entities, which include procurement irregularities, lapses in oversight and board instability which have threatened their ability to deliver on their mandate to advance skills development. 'We cannot allow governance failures to erode the public's confidence in our skills development system. The administrators have a clear mandate to restore integrity, enforce consequence management where necessary and ensure learners and workers are not prejudiced by institutional weaknesses. Our goal is to reposition Setas so they can contribute effectively to the fight against unemployment, poverty and inequality,' he said. The DA believes the appointees are unfit. According to party spokesperson and DA MP Karabo Khakhau, the cohort has allegedly "been previously implicated in corruption, mismanagement and fraud in previous government jobs or have proved themselves useless in the Seta space". The names were gazetted on Tuesday after years of corruption, mismanagement and serious rot reflected in the auditor-general's reports uncovering irregularities. 'Will minister Manamela fail his first test of ANC cadre deployment, or will he go down the same path as Nobuhle Nkabane [who was fired as higher education and training minister by President Cyril Ramaphosa]? Minister Manamela announced the appointments, saying they are to address serious and entrenched governance failures in the entities. How can this be addressed by corruption, fraud and mismanagement implicated ANC cadres?'


Mail & Guardian
2 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Taking back Africa's wealth
In 2019, The Economist magazine carried a cover story with the headline 'The new scramble for Africa', which heralded a new way of grabbing natural resources or, in other words, 'soft power' on the continent. Governments and businesses from all around the world are now willing to strengthen diplomatic, strategic and commercial ties with Africa. Among the new actors are Turkey, Japan and The Gulf countries, along with China and the US. This cannot be seen simply as trade wars over Africa. Often when African countries initiate their own economic policies, they are hampered by global challenges and restrictions. Afropessimist discourse has been invented to undermine democratic transitions in young, independent African countries in order to justify their continued exploitation. Proxy wars will be waged over Africa as long as the continent remains dependent on foreign investment. Africa seems to be appealing to the world again and recent strategies and diplomacies around the continent show the scope of this interest. In May, American academic Walter Russell Mead raised issues on US policy on Africa and called for change. He pointed out that Africa has grown economically and this growth will continue. That is the reality. Since mineral resources and commodity production in Africa are of importance to the rest of the world, the vital question that arises is how to keep most of the benefit of these resources in the continent. US President Donald Trump's recent tariffs on South Africa clearly shows claiming your own resources does not always yield, since we are all conscripts of globalisation. Handling these complex issues is not free of foreign dynamics as well. Horman Chitonge's Reclaiming Economic Sovereignty in Africa is a timely call for economic independence in the face of global challenges. The book looks at the possibility of economic power which would enable African countries to serve and prioritise their own people. The main argument of the book is how African countries can establish economic stability by using their own natural resources. Countries rich in natural resources can leverage these assets to drive industrialisation, boosting their productive capabilities and reducing reliance on primary commodity exports. Chitonge argues successful implementation of this strategy can enhance economic independence by decreasing reliance on foreign resources, such as capital, goods and technology. By building on their natural wealth, countries can create opportunities for sustainable economic growth and gradually reduce the vulnerabilities that undermine their economic independence. He also maintains that the strength of an economy is premised on a country's degree of dependence on other countries: 'While countries today are interdependent on each other in such a way that there is no single country that can exist on its own, it is the level of dependence which determines the degree of autonomy a country enjoys. 'If the available natural wealth on the continent was exploited to benefit African peoples, we would not be seeing the levels of poverty and inequality which have come to define the continent for several centuries.' Chitonge believes the industrialisation of Africa is a hallmark of economic independence. Unless natural resources are used as strategic assets to promote industrial development, economic sustainability will remain dependent on foreign capital. One of the striking points he makes is the outcome of the Covid-19 pandemic, which allowed African countries to realise the importance of building productive capabilities in the manufacturing sector. In reclaiming and strengthening economic independence, the first step, he says, should be 'building productive capabilities which play a central role in enlarging a country's agency and options not only in the economic sphere but in other spheres as well'. One of the important issues here is the possibility of economic autonomy in the face of globalisation. Since countries with vulnerable economies are not in a position to make decisions, what is the solution to unpacking their potential? Reclaiming Economic Sovereignty in Africa is an urgent call for African countries to rethink their approach to their vast natural resources and transform it into wealth. Reclaiming Economic Sovereignty in Africa is published by Anthem Press.


Mail & Guardian
3 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Africa's G20 moment: Why social innovators must be at the centre of the conversation
Youth unemployment is at an all-time high. Photo: Oupa Nkosi/M&G As South Africa prepares to host the G20 Summit in November, the first on African soil, the stakes are high. This historic opportunity places the country and the continent at a crossroads, one that demands not just economic diplomacy, but bold rethinking of how we build inclusive, sustainable societies. Amid rising inequality, youth unemployment and a climate crisis threatening livelihoods across the continent, a central question arises: 'Can social innovators help shape the G20 towards more human-centred, inclusive economic models?' And will global leaders be willing to listen? If South Africa seizes this moment with intention, the answer is, 'Yes.' Social innovation — the use of creative, entrepreneurial strategies to address pressing social problems — has long been underestimated in formal policy spaces. It is time to mainstream the social economy into global development frameworks. This is especially critical for the Global South, where social entrepreneurs are already stepping into service and infrastructure gaps left by overstretched or ineffective states. While often criticised for being more symbolic than solution-oriented, the G20 provides a platform for consensus-building on macroeconomic policy. Within that, there is the potential to elevate the role of social enterprise as a force for economic inclusion. Social innovators are not fringe actors. They are builders of jobs, creators of local economies and drivers of community resilience. The challenge, however, is access to capital, policy influence and recognition. Despite the G20's various engagement tracks — including Civil Society 20, Business 20 and Youth 20 — grassroots voices too often get drowned out in a sea of technical jargon and elite diplomacy. The need, then, is not just for a seat at the table but for a rethinking of who gets to shape the agenda. One opportunity is the 'Social Summit', which will be held in the lead-up to the G20 Leaders' Summit, designed to explore community-based solutions and ground the macroeconomic discussions in lived realities. If done right, it could ensure that the perspectives of township entrepreneurs, informal traders and innovators operating on the margins are elevated to the global stage. To do that, three key policy shifts are needed. First, the formal recognition of the social and solidarity economy must be accelerated. South Africa has a draft green paper on this but it remains in limbo. Elevating this to a white paper — driven by the department of trade, industry and competition — would acknowledge social enterprises as legitimate economic actors, opening access to finance, procurement opportunities and support services. Second, access to capital must go beyond rhetoric. Investment, blended finance and grant-based support can work in tandem to ensure that innovative ventures solving social problems don't fall through the cracks. Funding must support, not just start-up phases, but also the growth of enterprises, allowing them to scale and hire more people. Private capital is essential at this point in time, since development funding from the US was stopped. Third, skills development is essential. From school curricula and vocational training to integration in university curricula, young people need the tools to become creators of solutions, not just job seekers. The role of social innovators and entrepreneurs in equipping communities with these skills cannot be overstated. This agenda aligns with the broader global pivot toward 'business with purpose'. The idea that profit alone is no longer enough — companies must also consider people and the planet. While this might sound idealistic, the alternative is unsustainable. The planet is dying, inequality is rising and the American retreat from multilateralism threatens progress. We simply can't afford business as usual. Big businesses, too, must play their part — not merely through corporate social responsibility but by embedding impact into their business models and partnering with local innovators to extend their reach. There are, of course, risks. The G20 could once again devolve into an echo chamber of promises with little follow-through. But this is where Africa has a unique chance to lead differently. By focusing on inclusion, sustainability and innovation, South Africa can offer a model of economic policy rooted not in trickle-down theory but in inclusive economic transformation. The road ahead will not be easy. But the opportunity is real, not just to shape the G20, but to reshape our understanding of what drives meaningful economic development. Social innovation and entrepreneurship is not a miracle cure. It is, however, a durable and necessary path forward. In a world searching for effective models, Africa's innovators are ready to show the way — if we let them. Dr Solange Rosa is the director of the Bertha Centre for Social Innovation at the University of Cape Town's Graduate School of Business.