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Best of BS Opinion: Crossing the river with memory, not just momentum
Progress rarely comes with a paved path. More often, it's like crossing a river barefoot, feet probing for stones beneath cold currents, steadying after each slip. The smarter ones don't just step; they remember where they slipped last time. Today, India also stands midstream, doing just that, feeling its way forward with care, learning from the stumbles of its past. Let's dive in.
Start with the country's economic statistics. The overhaul of the GDP, CPI, and IIP, long overdue, could finally give policymakers a clearer view of the real economy. With e-commerce data, digital payments, and wider price tracking entering the frame, the next set of figures will be sharper. Yet, as our first editorial notes, we risk stepping on old stones: relying on outdated 2011 Census baselines and omitting a Producer Price Index. We've wobbled here before. This time, better grip is non-negotiable.
That same caution guides India's approach to the gig economy. A projected 61 million strong by 2047, this workforce could transform livelihoods or fracture under neglect. Gig jobs have grown fast, but their foundations are shaky—lacking basic protections or benefits. A regulatory slip like that of the textile mills could be disastrous, highlights our second editorial. This time, the challenge is to step smart, offering security without crushing the spirit of innovation.
But even smart feet need firm ground. As M Govinda Rao argues, India's economic leap, from overtaking Japan to chasing developed-nation status, needs more than momentum. Without reforms in judiciary, contract enforcement, and governance, we'll keep slipping on the same institutional stones. Foreign capital won't wade into murky waters, no matter how tempting the destination.
Kanika Datta adds another layer, that real reform, especially on land and labour, demands political consensus. The ghosts of Singur and stalled SEZs show what happens when politics turns rocky. India needs not bravado abroad, but bipartisan clarity at home, consensus-crafted policies that prevent tripping over turf wars.
And Aditi Phadnis offers a quieter, emotional reminder in her review of An Unlikely Friendship: The Chief Minister and the Spy by A S Dulat. In Kashmir, where Delhi's distrust repeatedly unseated Farooq Abdullah, a more sensitive step could have built lasting bridges. That too was a stone misjudged, and remembered.
Stay tuned, and remember, if we move with memory, not just momentum, we may just reach the other bank steadier!
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Indian Express
8 hours ago
- Indian Express
Are northern states flipping the ‘injustice' narrative? Kushwaha's call for delimitation says so
Written by Mrityunjay Sharma Upendra Kushwaha, leader of the Rashtriya Lok Samta Party (RLSP), a constituent of the NDA, recently launched his campaign for the upcoming Bihar elections from Muzaffarpur. While this marks the usual pre-election show of strength, aimed at bargaining for a larger share of seats before the NDA finalises its seat-sharing arrangement, what drew attention was the name of his rally: Samvaidhanik Adhikar–Parisiman Sudhar (Constitutional Rights–Delimitation Reform). Addressing the rally, Kushwaha advocated for delimitation. He said that had the process been carried out on time, the number of Lok Sabha seats in Bihar would have increased to around 60, thereby boosting representation for Scheduled Castes and women. He also warned of launching an agitation against what he termed a 'gross injustice' to the state. This appears to be the first significant mention of delimitation by a political leader at a public rally in the Hindi heartland. While the issue has been debated in Parliament and among policy experts, it hasn't entered the mainstream political narrative ahead of the decisive year, 2026, when the freeze on delimitation elapses. Delimitation, which is supposed to follow each decennial census, has been postponed twice — first in 1976 and again in 2001, each time for 25 years. Many speculate that the Centre may continue this delay, fearing severe backlash from the southern states, which would possibly lose a few Lok Sabha seats. However, others believe that, given the Modi government's track record of addressing long-pending and contentious issues head-on, delimitation may indeed be on the cards. The last amendment in 2001 mentioned that delimitation may be carried out following a Census conducted after 2026. The recent announcement of the decennial census to be conducted in 2026–27 fulfils this condition and further strengthens the belief that delimitation is imminent. Delimitation, as envisaged in Article 82 of the Constitution, refers to the process of restructuring Parliamentary constituencies to ensure that each represents an approximately equal population. The data used for this purpose must be from the most recent census. The suspension of this process since 1976, intended to promote family planning and reward states that effectively curbed population growth, has led to massive discrepancies. For example, a Lok Sabha MP from Uttar Pradesh today represents an average of 30 lakh people, whereas a Tamil Nadu MP represents only 18 lakh people. This violates the principle of 'one person, one vote,' a cornerstone of democratic representation. The imbalance has implications not just for representation but also for the equitable delivery of basic services. Milan Vaishnav and Jamie Hinston, in one of their research papers, project state-wise populations to 2026 and evaluate the potential impact of reallocation using a method proposed by McMillan. This approach suggests expanding the total size of the Lok Sabha so that no state loses seats under the new distribution. Based on 2026 projections, this would increase the total number of Lok Sabha seats to 848. The biggest beneficiaries would be Uttar Pradesh (which would go from 80 to 143 seats) and Bihar (which would nearly double from 40 to 79). It's no surprise, then, that the strongest demands for delimitation are emerging from these two states. The biggest loser would be Kerala, which wouldn't gain any additional seats beyond its current tally of 20. Other South Indian states would gain marginally, nothing compared to the gains by northern states. According to the leaders of the Southern states, they should not be penalised for successfully curbing population growth, especially when compared to high-growth states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. They aren't wrong, either. While the southern states have reduced their TFR (total fertility rate) to 1.5, much below the population replacement rate of 2.1, Bihar is still growing with a TFR of around 3. In recent years, some parties in the South have tapped into anti-North Indian sentiments to consolidate support, raising issues such as skewed financial devolution, northern migrants taking away local jobs, and threats to local culture. Recent clashes over language in Karnataka, Maharashtra, and Tamil Nadu are a testament to these growing tensions. It will be interesting to see if parties in North India are now going to flip the narrative, accusing the South of unfairly benefiting from a frozen system that denies Northern states their rightful share of representation. While such a move could deepen the North–South divide, it could also become a political tool to rally regional identities and demand equitable representation. In the upcoming Bihar elections, while Chirag Paswan pushes the slogan of 'Bihar First, Bihari First', the Congress focuses on caste census and representation, and Tejashwi Yadav attacks the failures of the Nitish government, it remains to be seen whether Upendra Kushwaha's call for delimitation will resonate with voters, or whether it will be drowned out by more conventional electoral issues. The writer is a BJP Leader and author of Broken Promises: Caste, Crime and Politics in Bihar
Hindustan Times
19 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Caste survey for social justice: Siddaramaiah
The Karnataka cabinet on Thursday formally announced the decision to carry out a fresh caste-based socio-educational survey across the state within a 90-day timeline, scrapping the earlier 2015 exercise and its subsequent 2024 report. Chief Minister Siddaramaiah announced the move after a special cabinet meeting in Bengaluru. 'We have taken a decision in the cabinet. It was a unanimous decision that a new survey is to be conducted,' he said. The government will consult the Karnataka State Backward Classes Commission (KSBCC), which will oversee the survey and submit its report within the stipulated time. Siddaramaiah said, 'The government will consult the Karnataka State Backward Classes Commission… we are going to give 90 days' time to survey afresh and to give the report.' The CM said the decision was in line with Section 11(1) of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1995, which mandates a new survey every 10 years. 'After considering all aspects and the law, as it has been 10 years since the Socio-Educational survey was conducted by the Karnataka State Backward Classes Commission, the cabinet has decided to go for a new survey; and as per Section 11(2) of the Act, it has been decided to consult the commission in this regard.' The Congress high command, including party president Mallikarjun Kharge and senior leader Rahul Gandhi, directed the state earlier this week to initiate a fresh enumeration, citing concerns of underrepresentation of communities in the earlier exercise. Asked whether the move was made under pressure, Siddaramaiah responded, 'Just because they asked us to do a new survey, we are not doing it. We have not succumbed to pressure from the high command.' Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar, also present at the post-cabinet press briefing, echoed this sentiment, stating, 'We don't want political colour. We want social justice. For this reason, we have decided to conduct a caste census again. The opposition parties, who criticised the previous report, are now talking the opposite way.' He said the decision was made after carefully considering public opinion and the views of legislators. 'Anyone can say anything. We have given our consent to the re-examination of the caste census after understanding the feelings and opinions of the people and legislators.' The 2015 survey was conducted from April 11 to May 30 by over 1.6 lakh staff, including 1.33 lakh teachers. It covered 5.98 crore people out of an estimated 6.35 crore population at the time, based on the 2011 Census. The survey had been based on 54 parameters through a door-to-door process. Despite the exhaustive nature of the 2015 survey, it was widely criticised—especially by Karnataka's two dominant communities, the Vokkaligas and the Veerashaiva-Lingayats—who termed it 'unscientific' and demanded that it be rejected. Siddaramaiah noted, 'It is not a question of Vokkaligas or Lingayats. Other backward communities have also given their suggestions.' There was also opposition within the ruling Congress party to accepting the 2015 data. 'Only after discussions started did we realise that, by law and constitutional provisions, it was 10 years old, and a fresh survey was needed,' Siddaramaiah said. 'The provision in the Act is clear that a new survey has to be conducted every 10 years, after which a new list of backward classes could be drawn up by either deleting existing castes or adding new ones.' Siddaramaiah also clarified that although the cabinet had earlier considered the recommendations submitted in February 2024 by the K Jayaprakash Hegde-led commission—based on the 2015 data—it was now deemed outdated. 'The delivery of social justice is possible on the basis of the new report,' he added. When asked what would happen to recommendations such as increasing Muslim reservation to 8%, the CM said, 'After the new survey it will be re-examined.' Responding to a question about the Centre's announcement on including caste data in the national census, he said Karnataka's survey would differ because 'they have nowhere said that they will do a socio-educational survey'. The 2015 survey, conducted under then KSBCC chairman H Kantharaju, had not been accepted during Siddaramaiah's first term as CM (2013-18). He explained that after Congress lost the 2018 election, the then CM HD Kumaraswamy allegedly blocked the acceptance of the survey report. 'Kantharaju had approached the then backward classes welfare minister Puttarangashetty with a request to receive the report, but the then CM Kumaraswamy put pressure on the minister not to receive it,' Siddaramaiah alleged. Later, the BJP government appointed K Jayaprakash Hegde, who was with the party at the time, to head the commission and submit a report based on the old data. Although the report was submitted on February 29, 2024, parliamentary elections delayed cabinet discussions on it until April. The report was placed before the cabinet for the first time on April 11 and discussed in 3-4 meetings since then. Asked about the survey cost, Siddaramaiah declined to comment. He, however, confirmed that members to the Backward Classes Commission would be appointed 'in the next two to three days,' and arrangements would be made to allow Kannadigas living abroad to participate in the survey online. 'This is the original intention of the Congress party,' Shivakumar added. 'Our aim is to involve everyone in the society.' BJP MLC N Ravikumar objected to taxpayer money spent in crores for the 2015 survey if its data were to be rejected in the end. Ravikumar said the Congress's suggestion to re-enumerate the data collected under the 2015 social and educational survey was a 'slap' to the Siddaramaiah-led government, which originally commissioned and supported it during its first term. 'The Congress high command has done injustice to the backward classes. The Congress high command also slammed Siddaramaiah, saying that it was 10 years old and the figures were old,' he said. Ravikumar, who is also the chief whip of the Opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Council, added that Siddaramaiah had intended to implement the caste census figures submitted by the Permanent Backward Classes Commission but changed his stance after returning from Delhi. 'Many in Congress had objected to the caste census figures. However, Siddaramaiah had said that he would implement it. But he says that he would conduct a new caste census after returning from Delhi. If so, why did he spend ₹165 crore of taxpayer money? Siddaramaiah, who was called the champion of the backward classes, has done injustice to them,' he said. Shivakumar challenged critics within opposition ranks: 'Let Kumaraswamy, Vijayendra, and Ashok hold a press conference again and say that they should accept the old report… The opposition parties are talking one thing in the past and another in the future.'
Time of India
a day ago
- Time of India
NMC Ward Delimitation Deadline Set For Sept 4
Nagpur: Maharashtra govt initiated the formal groundwork to hold elections for the Nagpur Municipal Corporation (NMC), mandating a strict and time-bound schedule for ward delimitation. The move marked a critical step toward restoring elected governance in the city, where polls were pending since the previous term expired in 2022. In a letter dated June 12, issued by urban development department (UDD), deputy secretary Priyanka Kulkarni-Chhapwale directed municipal commissioner Abhijeet Chaudhari to strictly adhere to the newly announced delimitation timeline. The communication reinforced govt's commitment to conduct urban local body elections in compliance with Supreme Court directives. The detailed instructions came in the wake of an earlier govt order issued on June 10, which laid the foundation for the electoral ward formation process. The latest directive made it unequivocally clear that no delays, extensions, or exceptions would be permitted under any circumstances — including public holidays or administrative constraints. A videoconference was held on Thursday by the UDD in which local administration was issued directives to follow. The civic body was instructed to ensure geographical continuity while demarcating wards. Boundaries need to be drawn with consideration to natural and physical landmarks such as major roads, lanes, rivers, streams, mountains, railway tracks, and flyovers. Importantly, no building, chawl, or house is to be split between two wards. Open spaces, primary schools, and playgrounds need to be completely incorporated into one ward to avoid any ambiguity or administrative conflict during the election process. Officials were directed to base ward formation on the 2011 Census, using both physical inspections and digital mapping tools such as Google Maps. Local officers are expected to complete ground-level verifications, publicise the draft wards, accept and address objections from citizens, and submit finalised ward plans to the State Election Commission (SEC) within a rigid time frame, the order stated. The municipal commissioner would oversee execution at the city level, and the state warned of accountability measures if deadlines missed. With this schedule in place, Nagpur is on track to elect a new civic body later this year. The redrawing of ward boundaries was anticipated to significantly influence electoral dynamics, especially in key areas where political margins were historically narrow. This marked a pivotal moment for Nagpur's urban governance, with upcoming elections likely to spark renewed public interest and political mobilisation across party lines. Follow more information on Air India plane crash in Ahmedabad here . Get real-time live updates on rescue operations and check full list of passengers onboard AI 171 .
