logo
Russia tells Ukrainians in occupied areas to get Russian passport or leave

Russia tells Ukrainians in occupied areas to get Russian passport or leave

CBC2 days ago

For more than three years, every time 67-year-old Iryna and her husband stepped beyond their front door, the Ukrainian couple feared for their lives.
They could be caught up in shelling or in a drone strike — or end up being interrogated by security agents at gunpoint as they tried to cross a checkpoint in the southern part of Kherson region, an area still under Russian control.
The couple, who had been living under occupation since the early days of Russia's invasion, initially refused to get a Russian passport even as Moscow made it increasingly difficult to survive without them.
"Everything was becoming harder and harder," said Iryna during an interview with CBC News last month. "You felt like you were in a cage."
Iryna, who CBC News agreed to identify only by her first name due to her concerns about retribution from Russia, said she and her husband felt they had no choice but to get Russian passports last year. That was when the local stores closed and it became impossible to get groceries without going through a Russian checkpoint.
Like many other Ukrainians, she and her husband accepted Russian citizenship because they feared what would happen if they didn't.
Mass distribution of passports
It is part of what human rights experts see as a widespread campaign of coercion that's designed to extend Moscow's influence over the occupied territories, areas it demands Ukraine relinquish as part of any potential peace deal.
At the same time, the Kremlin has refused to implement a 30-day ceasefire, and Russian forces have recently launched a new offensive to try and take more Ukrainian land.
According to Moscow, 3.5 million residents living in Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson have received passports.
While Russian President Vladimir Putin said that the country had "virtually completed" the mass issuance of passports in these areas, he signed a presidential decree in March to target the few Ukrainians still holding out.
Ukrainians who live in Russia, or the areas it purports to control, have to legalize their status by Sept. 10 — or leave their homes.
Though these Ukrainian regions aren't fully controlled by Russia, Moscow attempted to justify its claim to them by staging "sham" referendums in September 2022 that were condemned by world leaders.
Its passport policy is an extension of that strategy, considered an attempt to weaken Ukrainian sovereignty and a clear sign that Moscow has no intention of giving up the territory it now occupies.
Russia has previously used its fast-track passport scheme as a geopolitical tool in other areas, including in the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia and in Moldova's separatist Transdniestria region.
After Russia illegally annexed the Crimean peninsula in 2014, it distributed Russian passports in a widespread campaign.
Life under occupation
At the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022, Iryna and her husband were living in a cottage on an island in the Dnipro River Delta in the Kherson region.
The area was seized by Russia during the first week of the war.
When Ukrainian forces retook part of Kherson, including Kherson City in November 2022, Iryna said Russia's soldiers ordered her and other residents to evacuate further south.
She and her husband ended up living in someone else's house in the village of Stara Zbur'ivka, located along the south side of the Dnipro river.
They tried to avoid interacting with the Russian soldiers, Iryna told CBC News, but having to cross a Russian checkpoint each time they needed groceries or supplies meant they would be grilled by those manning it.
"They kept asking 'Why are you not taking a passport, are you waiting for the Ukrainian military to return?'" said Iryna.
On one occasion, she said, a soldier pointed a gun at her husband's head while questioning him.
"It was no longer possible without them," she said of getting a Russian passport. "It was just dangerous."
When Iryna and her husband decided to leave Kherson in March, they used their Russian passports as they travelled into Crimea and then Russia. At that point, she said, a local underground network of volunteers helped them get back to Ukraine by going through Belarus.
Now living in Dnipro, the couple said they have no use for the passports Russia imposed on them.
Passport policy
Even before Russia launched its full-scale invasion, Moscow was trying to entice Ukrainians with citizenship.
Putin signed a decree speeding up the process for those living in the self-proclaimed regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, which were then controlled by Russian-backed separatists.
By July 2022, the Kremlin announced that all Ukrainian citizens were eligible to receive passports under the fast-track scheme.
According to Human Rights Watch, the passports were distributed through an illegal pressure campaign, in which Russian authorities threatened to detain Ukrainian citizens or confiscate property if they didn't accept a passport.
Russia has made it increasingly impossible to live without the document in the territory it occupies, requiring it to access state services, including pension payments, education and health care.
During a six-month period in 2023, the international organization Physicians for Human Rights documented at least 15 cases of people being denied medical care, because they lived in the occupied territories and didn't have a Russian passport.
The group said some hospitals even set up a desk so desperate patients could fill out the necessary paperwork right there.
Advising Ukrainian citizens
Ivan, a co-ordinator with the Yellow Ribbon resistance campaign that's active in the occupied territories, told CBC News that through the first few years of the Russian invasion, he and other volunteers advised residents about how to avoid accepting a Russian passport.
CBC News agreed not to identify him by his last name, given his work in the occupied territories and the possibility of retribution by Russian authorities.
In 2023, the resistance group ran an information campaign about steps Ukrainian citizens could take to prevent their flats or other real estate from being confiscated if they didn't have Russian citizenship.
But he said as Russia ramped up restrictions, the messaging changed.
"We are recommending that people take a Russian passport because you basically need it if you want to survive," he said during a Zoom interview in April. " You could be arrested or detained ... just because you don't have it."
While he and others try to reassure residents that getting a passport is "no big deal" and they can later relinquish their Russian citizenship, he acknowledges that it could mean that men who are new citizens could be drafted into the country's military.
Ivan, who graduated from university in information technology in 2021, was living in Kherson City when it was invaded by Russia. At the time, he had lost his Ukrainian passport, so he ended up being issued a Russian legal document.
After the liberation of Kherson City, Ivan went to the northern part of the country, before later taking a route through Russia to enter the Russian-occupied part of the Ukrainian territory of Zaporizhzhia.
He told CBC News he had relatives living in the area that he needed to bring passports to, and he helped a few local activists there stage non-violent resistance campaigns by tying yellow ribbons to trees and distributing information pamphlets.
But he acknowledges he only knows of a few people in the occupied areas who haven't yet taken a Russian passport.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Oil prices steady, supported by geopolitical tensions, weaker U.S. dollar
Oil prices steady, supported by geopolitical tensions, weaker U.S. dollar

Globe and Mail

timean hour ago

  • Globe and Mail

Oil prices steady, supported by geopolitical tensions, weaker U.S. dollar

Oil steadied on Tuesday, supported by rising geopolitical tensions as Russia and Ukraine ramped up the war and Iran was set to reject a U.S. nuclear deal proposal that would be key to easing sanctions on the major oil producer. Crude had gained nearly 3 per cent on Monday after the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and allies, known as OPEC+, kept its July output hike at 411,000 barrels per day, the same as earlier months and less than some in the market had feared. Brent crude futures gained 5 cents, or 0.1 per cent, to US$64.68 a barrel by 6 a.m. ET. U.S. West Texas Intermediate crude was up 16 cents, or 0.3 per cent, to US$62.68. Wildfires force Alberta oil sands producers to evacuate workers, stop some oil flows Midstream natural gas is where it's at for Keyera Corp. — and maybe our planet 'Risk premia have filtered back into the oil price following deep Ukraine strikes on Russia over the weekend,' said analyst Harry Tchilinguirian of Onyx Capital Group. 'But more importantly for the barrel count, there is the to and fro between the U.S. and Iran regarding uranium enrichment.' Ukraine and Russia at the weekend ramped up the war with one of the biggest drone battles of their conflict, a Russian highway bridge blown up over a passenger train and an attack on nuclear-capable bombers deep in Siberia. Iran, meanwhile, was poised to reject a U.S. proposal to end a decades-old nuclear dispute, an Iranian diplomat said on Monday, saying it fails to address Tehran's interests or soften Washington's stance on uranium enrichment. If the nuclear talks fail, it could mean continued sanctions on Iran, which would limit Iranian supply and be supportive of oil prices. Further support came from the weak dollar. The dollar index held near six-week lows as investors weighed the outlook for U.S. President Donald Trump's tariff policy and its potential to hurt growth and stoke inflation. A weaker U.S. currency makes dollar-priced commodities such as oil less expensive for holders of other currencies. 'Crude oil prices continue to rise, supported by the weakening dollar,' said Priyanka Sachdeva, senior market analyst at Phillip Nova. Adding to supply worries, wildfires burning in Alberta have affected more than 344,000 barrels per day of oil sands production, or about 7 per cent of the country's overall crude output, according to Reuters calculations. Further price support could come if forecasts of a drop in U.S. crude inventories are realized in the latest round of weekly supply reports.

Ukraine's drone attack on Russian warplanes was a serious blow to the Kremlin's strategic arsenal
Ukraine's drone attack on Russian warplanes was a serious blow to the Kremlin's strategic arsenal

CTV News

timean hour ago

  • CTV News

Ukraine's drone attack on Russian warplanes was a serious blow to the Kremlin's strategic arsenal

Russian Tu-95 strategic bombers fly past a Russian flag at the Kremlin complex during a rehearsal for the Victory Day military parade in Moscow, Russia, May 4, 2018. (AP Photo/Pavel Golovkin) A surprise Ukrainian drone attack that targeted several Russian air bases hosting nuclear-capable strategic bombers was unprecedented in its scope and sophistication and for the first time reached as far as Siberia in a heavy blow to the Russian military. Ukraine said over 40 bombers, or about a third of Russia's strategic bomber fleet, were damaged or destroyed Sunday, although Moscow said only several planes were struck. The conflicting claims couldn't be independently verified and video of the assault posted on social media showed only a couple of bombers hit. But the bold attack demonstrated Ukraine's capability to hit high-value targets anywhere in Russia, dealing a humiliating blow to the Kremlin and inflicting significant losses to Moscow's war machine. While some Russian military bloggers compared it to another infamous Sunday surprise attack — that of Japan's strike on the U.S. base at Pearl Harbor in 1941 — others rejected the analogy, arguing the actual damage was far less significant than Ukraine claimed. A look at what warplanes were reported hit: Russia's bomber assets For decades, long-range bombers have been part of the Soviet and Russian nuclear triad that also includes land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles and atomic-powered submarines carrying ICBMs. The strategic bombers have flown regular patrols around the globe showcasing Moscow's nuclear might. During the 3-year-old war in Ukraine, Russia has used the heavy planes to launch waves of cruise missile strikes across the country. The Tupolev Tu-95, which was code named Bear by NATO, is a four-engine turboprop plane designed in the 1950s to rival the U.S. B-52 bomber. The aircraft has an intercontinental range and carries eight long-range cruise missiles that can be equipped with conventional or nuclear warheads. Before Sunday, Russia was estimated to have a fleet of about 60 such aircraft. The Tupolev Tu-22M is a twin-engine supersonic bomber designed in the 1970s that was code named Backfire by NATO. It has a shorter range compared with the Tu-95, but during U.S.-Soviet arms control talks in the 1970s, Washington insisted on counting them as part of the Soviet strategic nuclear arsenal because of their capability to reach the U.S. if refueled in flight. The latest version of the plane, the Tu-22M3, carries Kh-22 cruise missiles that fly at more than three times the speed of sound. It dates to the 1970s, when it was designed by the Soviet Union to strike U.S. aircraft carriers. It packs a big punch, thanks to its supersonic speed and ability to carry 630 kilograms (nearly 1,400 pounds) of explosives, but its outdated guidance system could make it highly inaccurate against ground targets, raising the possibility of collateral damage. Some Tu-22Ms were lost in previous Ukrainian attacks, and Russia was estimated to have between 50 and 60 Tu-22M3s in service before Sunday's drone strike. The production of the Tu-95 and the Tu-22M ended after the 1991 collapse of the USSR, meaning that any lost can't be replaced. Russia also has another type of strategic nuclear-capable bomber, the supersonic Tu-160. Fewer than 20 of them are in service, and Russia has just begun production of its modernized version equipped with new engines and avionics. Russia lost a significant part of its heavy bomber fleet in the attack 'with no immediate ability to replace it,' said Douglas Barrie of the International Institute of Strategic Studies, noting that Moscow's announced plan to develop the next generation strategic bomber is still in its early phase. 'Ironically this might give impetus to that program, because if if you want to keep your bomber fleet up to size, then you're going to have to do something at some point,' he said. The A-50, which Ukrainian officials also said was hit in the strikes, is an early warning and control aircraft similar to the U.S. AWACS planes used to coordinate aerial attacks. Only a few such planes are in service with the Russian military, and any loss badly dents Russia's military capability. Relocating bombers and impromptu protection Repeated Ukrainian strikes on the Engels air base, the main base for Russian nuclear-capable strategic bombers near the Volga River city of Saratov, prompted Moscow to relocate the bombers to other bases farther from the conflict. One of them was Olenya on the Arctic Kola Peninsula, from where Tu-95s have flown multiple missions to launch cruise missiles at Ukraine. Several bombers at Olenya apparently were hit by the Ukrainian drones Sunday, according to analysts studying satellite images before and after the strike. Other drones targeted the Belaya air base in the Irkutsk region in eastern Siberia, destroying a few Tu-22M bombers, according to analysts. Ukraine said 41 aircraft — Tu-95s, Tu-22Ms and A-50s — were damaged or destroyed in the attack that it said was in the works for 18 months in which swarms of drones popped out of containers carried on trucks that were parked near four air bases. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was briefed on the attack, which represented a level of sophistication that Washington had not seen before, a senior defence official said on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters. The Russian Defence Ministry said the attack set several warplanes ablaze at air bases in the Irkutsk region and the Murmansk region in the north, but the fires were extinguished. It said Ukraine also tried to strike two air bases in western Russia, as well as another one in the Amur region of Russia's Far East, but those attacks were repelled. The drone strikes produced an outcry from Russian military bloggers, who criticized the Defence Ministry for failing to learn from previous strikes and protect the bombers. Building shelters or hangars for such large planes is a daunting task, and the military has tried some impromptu solutions that were criticized as window dressing. Satellite images have shown Tu-95s at various air bases covered by layers of old tires — a measure of dubious efficiency that has drawn mockery on social media. ___ The Associated Press Associated Press Pentagon correspondent Tara Copp and Emma Burrows in London contributed.

Ukraine President's chief of staff in U.S. for talks on defence support, sanctions against Russia
Ukraine President's chief of staff in U.S. for talks on defence support, sanctions against Russia

Globe and Mail

time2 hours ago

  • Globe and Mail

Ukraine President's chief of staff in U.S. for talks on defence support, sanctions against Russia

A Ukrainian government delegation arrived in Washington on Tuesday to discuss military support and sanctions against Russia, a day after Kyiv and Moscow held their second round of peace talks. Andriy Yermak, President Volodymyr Zelensky's chief of staff, said he arrived in Washington together with the first deputy prime minister and other government officials. 'We will actively promote issues that are important for Ukraine. Our agenda is rather comprehensive,' Yermak said on the Telegram app. 'We plan to talk about defence support and the situation on the battlefield, strengthening sanctions against Russia.' Yermak said the officials would also discuss the bilateral minerals deal which gives the United States preferential access to new Ukrainian mineral projects and sets up an investment fund which could be used for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Zelensky has been repeatedly urging the U.S. and President Donald Trump to impose tougher sanctions on Russia if Moscow stalls the peace talks. Also on Tuesday, senior Russian security official Dmitry Medvedev said that the point of holding peace talks with Ukraine was to ensure a swift and complete Russian victory. 'The Istanbul talks are not for striking a compromise peace on someone else's delusional terms but for ensuring our swift victory and the complete destruction of the neo-Nazi regime,' the hawkish deputy chairman of Russia's Security Council said on Telegram. 'That's what the Russian Memorandum published yesterday is about.' Medvedev was referring to a set of Russian demands presented to Ukraine at talks in Istanbul on Monday. They included handing over more territory, becoming a neutral country, accepting limits on the size of the Ukrainian army and holding new parliamentary and presidential elections. At the talks, which lasted only an hour, the two sides agreed on a new prisoner-of-war swap and an exchange of 12,000 dead soldiers, but not on the ceasefire that Ukraine and its allies are pressing Russia to accept. Medvedev added, in an apparent response to Ukraine's weekend strikes on Russian strategic bomber bases, that Moscow would take revenge. 'Retribution is inevitable,' he said. 'Our Army is pushing forward and will continue to advance. Everything that needs to be blown up will be blown up, and those who must be eliminated will be.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store