Ukrainian attack on school bus was ‘cynical fascism'
A Ukrainian drone attack on a school bus in Russia's Zaporozhye Region which injured several children earlier this week was an act of blatant
'fascism,'
Moscow's human rights ombudswoman, Tatyana Moskalkova, has said.
On Tuesday, Russian officials accused Ukraine of striking the school vehicle in Vasilyevsky district. According to Zaporozhye regional governor Evgeny Balitsky, the attack seriously injured the bus driver and also wounded five children, although their condition is reportedly stable.
Moskalkova strongly condemned the incident, calling it
'monstrous'
and an act of
'cynical, blatant fascism.'
'It would be an understatement to call this a crime against humanity,'
she said.
The ombudswoman accused the West of ignoring Ukrainian attacks and turning a blind eye to the flourishing of neo-Nazi ideology in the country.
'Exactly 80 years ago, the Yalta Conference brought together leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition to plan the defeat of fascism,'
she said.
'Why is the collective West silent today when it sees the crimes of Ukrainian Nazis?'
© Telegram / BalitskyEV
She went on to urge the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child to issue a strong response to what she described as
'horrific crimes against civilians.'
© Telegram / BalitskyEV
Russia has consistently accused Ukraine of launching strikes on civilian targets, with officials in the Donetsk People's Republic claiming earlier this week that shelling by Kiev's forces had injured ten civilians in just over one day. Moscow has also consistently voiced concern about the unchecked resurgence of neo-Nazi ideology in Ukraine, designating the country's
'denazification'
as of the key goals of its military campaign.
© Telegram / BalitskyEV
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Russia Today
9 hours ago
- Russia Today
South Africa urges global unity on debt sustainability
President Cyril Ramaphosa has urged increased urgency, ambition, and alignment in addressing the global debt crisis that confronts low-income and developing countries, emphasising that the world is racing against time with just five years remaining to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Speaking ahead of the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4), Ramaphosa emphasised the need for unified global action to achieve sustainable development and support vulnerable economies. 'We must achieve these goals not merely because we have committed them to paper, but because the health, welfare, and happiness of billions of people depend on the progress we make.' He described the conference as a decisive moment for the global community, especially in the wake of the United Nations 2024 Report on the SDGs, which he said 'captures the gravity of the crisis.' Referring directly to the report, Ramaphosa stressed that it makes clear. 'We must think and act differently. We must move faster and with far greater ambition. Importantly, we must align our efforts across all available fora and platforms.' Under South Africa's G20 Presidency, Ramaphosa reaffirmed the country's commitment to prioritising solidarity, equality, and sustainability. He stressed that global challenges can only be solved through cooperation, collaboration, and partnership. A central focus of South Africa's G20 agenda is debt sustainability. Ramaphosa pointed out that many developing nations are trapped by high debt servicing costs, limiting their ability to invest in essential services. 'We know, for example, that 23 countries in Africa are paying more for debt costs than critical development enablers like health and education. South Africa seeks to advance sustainable solutions to tackle high structural deficits and liquidity challenges and extend debt relief to developing economies,' he said. To address these issues, South Africa will convene a side event at FfD4 under the theme: Forging a Common Agenda to Achieve Debt Sustainability in Developing Economies. The conference, which will take place from June 30 to July 3, 2025, in Spain, aims to bring together stakeholders from across debt-related initiatives to identify 'synergies and areas of convergence' and build consensus on sustainable solutions. Ramaphosa stressed the importance of the FfD4 conference, calling it: 'A crucial opportunity to reshape global financing systems in support of the SDGs.' He urged bold and inclusive action: 'We must therefore emerge from the conference with bold decisions and ambitious action plans that should really leave no country behind, no community or no person behind. 'If we can have such a great ambition, I am sure the world will be a much better place.'First published by IOL
Russia Today
2 days ago
- Russia Today
Mass graves discovered in Libya
Dozens of bodies have been discovered in detention centers in Libya, the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) reported on Wednesday, calling for an independent investigation into the 'grim findings' and abuses at the facilities. The North African country has continued to experience violence since a NATO-backed uprising toppled longtime leader Muammar Gaddafi more than a decade ago. According to the OHCHR, the graves were found in the Libyan capital, Tripoli, at 'official and unofficial' sites operated by the Stabilization Support Apparatus (SSA), an armed group mandated to bolster government security. 'Our worst held fears are being confirmed: dozens of bodies have been discovered at these sites, along with the discovery of suspected instruments of torture and abuse, and potential evidence of extrajudicial killings,' UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk said. The SSA, a powerful militia formally aligned to Libya's Government of National Unity (GNU), has long faced allegations of 'torture and enforced disappearances.' The findings followed deadly clashes in Tripoli triggered by the assassination of SSA leader Abdelghani al-Kikli – known locally as Ghaniwa – on May 12. He was reportedly shot dead in southern Tripoli, sparking violent confrontations between rival armed factions that left several civilians dead and damaged critical infrastructure, including hospitals. At least 77 bodies were discovered in Tripoli between May 18 and 21, including ten charred corpses found at the SSA headquarters in Abu Salim and 67 others stored in hospital refrigerators, the UN agency said in a press release. Another burial site was reportedly discovered at the SSA-run Tripoli Zoo. 'These sites must be sealed and all potential evidence preserved in support of immediate accountability efforts. Those responsible for these atrocious acts must be brought to justice without delay,' Turk stated. Libya remains deeply fractured, divided between the UN-recognized GNU based in Tripoli and the rival Government of National Stability in the eastern city of Benghazi. Sporadic violence, militia infighting, and stalled political processes have left the country in a prolonged state of instability. The discovery of mass graves in Libya is not uncommon. In February, the authorities reported recovering the bodies of at least 28 people – believed to be migrants – from a mass grave in Kufra, a city around 1,712 kilometers (1,064 miles) southeast of Tripoli. On Wednesday, the UN said two graves were uncovered that month in Jakharrah and Kufra, containing 10 and 93 bodies, respectively. The oil-rich country, a destination for migrants from neighboring African nations, has become a major transit hub for human trafficking and migration to Europe via the Mediterranean since the overthrow and assassination of Gaddafi in 2011.
Russia Today
3 days ago
- Russia Today
Bad peace or no state at all? What this NATO-torn state is facing years after its leader's murder
Libya has endured a collapse unmatched in modern North Africa since the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1973 in March 2011 – endorsing international intervention during the uprising against Muammar Gaddafi. Fourteen years on, the country remains fractured, chaotic, and stuck in an open-ended 'transitional period' that never seems to end. NATO's seven-month, round-the-clock bombardment of the country, under the pretext of protecting civilians, left Libya in tatters. So far, the UN has dispatched ten special envoys, passed 44 resolutions, convened multiple peace conferences, and spent hundreds of millions of dollars. All UNSC resolutions adopted under the UN Charter's Chapter VII, which makes them binding to member states, have not, however, been implemented effectively on the ground. Libya remains a cautionary tale: Two rival governments, a patchwork of militias, foreign interference at every level, and no real path to a functioning, unified state. Despite repeated pledges to guide the country toward elections for a parliament, president, and unified government, every major initiative has failed since the last elections in 2014. The UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) now stands accused of not resolving the crisis – but managing it instead. Critics argue that the mission has become a diplomatic holding pattern, one that accommodates obstructionists instead of sidelining them. Nothing illustrates the UN's ongoing failure better as the recent eruption of violence in Tripoli. On May 12, two powerful government-loyal militias clashed in a two-day battle that left over 100 civilian casualties and at least eight deaths. Burned-out cars and rubble littered the streets of the capital. It was triggered by the assassination of Abdel Ghani al-Kikli, known as 'Gheniwa', at the hands of the rival 444 Brigade. Gheniwa, who led the Stability Support Apparatus (SSA), was ambushed during what was supposed to be a mediation meeting. Both the SSA and 444 Brigade were created by former Prime Minister Fayez el-Sarraj by separate decrees. The SSA's tasks included protecting government buildings, providing personal protection to government officials, and controlling public discontent. The 444 Brigade was intended to be more of a disciplined combat-army unit headed by Colonel Mahmoud Hamza – a professional military officer. It originated as a small unit within a larger militia known as the Special Deterrence Force. Gheniwa, however, was more than just a militia commander: He had practically been running a parallel state, extending his influence across Libya's security apparatus, central bank, foreign ministry, and southern Tripoli's governance. The UN condemned the fighting, as it always does, and called for calm, but had little else to offer. The mayhem underscored what many Libyans already knew: Tripoli is not safer without Gheniwa and the state does not control the armed militias. This has been the case since NATO's 2011 intervention which, effectively, paralyzed the Libyan state, and now the UN has lost its grip on the peace process. From Abdel Elah al-Khatib in 2011 to Abdoulaye Bathily in 2024, every UN envoy has exited the Libyan stage with their mission unfulfilled. Some made bold moves. Bernardino Leon brokered the 2015 Skhirat Agreement, which became a de facto constitution in a country that still does not have one. The agreement is the official UN-sanctioned frame of reference for every political effort the UNSMIL attempts. Ghassan Salame, who took over five years after Leon, led the 2020 Berlin Process, further strengthening Leon's work and delivering the road map that led to the formation of the current Government of National Unity (GNU) still in office today. But each road map eventually hit a dead end: Local actors resisted compromise, foreign players pushed their own agendas, and the interim authorities hoarded power. Bathily, a Senegalese diplomat, abruptly resigned in April 2024 after a proposal by the High Steering Committee to agree on a road map for the country was rejected by almost all rival groups and political entities in the country, including the House of Representatives in Tobruk and the High State Council (HSC) in Tripoli. His resignation letter was scathing, citing 'a lack of political will and good faith' among Libyan leaders and warning that foreign interference had turned Libya into a 'playground for fierce rivalry among regional and international actors.' His exit left the UN with a credibility problem. Now the UN is turning to Ghanaian diplomat Hannah Tetteh – the former head of the UN Office to the African Union – in what some see as a pivot toward African-led legitimacy. Critics of past efforts have long argued that Libya's future should not be steered solely by European or Gulf powers. Tetteh faces daunting odds. Before her appointment, acting UN envoy Stephanie Koury laid some groundwork by establishing a 20-member Libyan Advisory Committee. On May 20, the committee delivered a report outlining four possible political paths: 1) hold both legislative and presidential elections, then proceed to a constitutional referendum; 2) begin with legislative elections, followed by a referendum to adopt a permanent constitution, then presidential elections; 3) reverse the process: Adopt a constitution first, then hold elections; 4) reset entirely, launching a new national dialogue and road map through consensus. Any of these tracks requires buy-in from what Libyan observers call 'the Five Devils' – the key domestic spoilers: Aguila Saleh, speaker of the House of Representatives in Tobruk; Khaled al-Mishri, the head of the HSC in Tripoli; Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar and his forces in the east; Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah and the Government of National Unity; the three-member Presidential Council in Tripoli. Bathily tried to convene these actors in one room. It never happened. And that failure, more than any policy misstep, sealed his fate. The international community often calls these actors 'stakeholders'. In truth, they are gatekeepers of chaos. Elections threaten their entrenched power and access to state wealth. The longer the delay, the more they benefit. Many of these factions now function as proxies for foreign powers. Egypt, Turkey, France, Russia, the US, and to a lesser extent, Qatar, all back different sides. Their interests rarely align with the democratic aspirations of ordinary Libyans. Domestic leaders, meanwhile, speak the language of peace in public while obstructing it behind closed doors. Dbeibah's GNU has publicly welcomed elections – while allegedly using state funds to sponsor rallies, suppress dissent, fund nominally allied militias, and sabotage electoral logistics. Last month, the Tobruk based parliament invited 14 men to present their manifestos to become the new prime minister of the unified government in Libya. But the chamber appears hesitant, fearing that the new government will not be recognized by the UN, as it will not be able to peacefully dislodge Dbeibah's GNU from the center of power in the capital, Tripoli. This scenario is likely to lead to violence in Tripoli and perhaps other parts of the divided country. The UNSMIL has not commented on the parliamentary discussions yet, but behind the scenes, it does not support this step, fearing the consequences and potential destabilizing effects. Critics argue that the UN mission has shifted from seeking resolution to managing stagnation. The mantra of a 'Libyan-led solution' has become, in effect, an excuse for inaction. By refusing to confront spoilers head-on, the mission risks legitimizing the very elites blocking progress. One Libyan analyst, speaking anonymously, described the UNSMIL as 'a concierge service for the crisis' – hosting endless forums and communiques, while average citizens endure poverty, sky-high cost of living, inflation, and collapsing services. Basic institutions – a unified military, functioning judiciary, and national budget – remain aspirational. And then, like clockwork, violence erupts in Tripoli. If Tetteh's mission stalls like the rest, what is the UN's plan B? There is no formal fallback, but diplomats are quietly discussing three controversial options: The Bosnia option remains deeply divisive. But as one Tripoli-based European diplomat speaking on condition of anonymity put it, 'Better a bad peace than no state at all.' Libya is no longer just a post-Arab Spring tragedy – it is a credibility test for multilateral diplomacy. Fourteen years of broken deadlines, shelved blueprints, and failed elections have disillusioned not only Libyans but the international community. Hannah Tetteh's task is to do what nine others could not: Disrupt elite collusion, overcome foreign manipulation, and make elections more than just lines in a Geneva communique. Her success or failure will shape not just Libya's future – but the legacy of the UN's longest-running post-conflict mission since Iraq.
