logo
Japan's Ishiba and NATO chief vow to deepen security ties as regional threats rise

Japan's Ishiba and NATO chief vow to deepen security ties as regional threats rise

Independent09-04-2025

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and NATO chief Mark Rutte vowed Wednesday to further deepen military ties while stressing the need to tackle together growing threats from China, North Korea and Russia.
Japan, which has stepped up defense ties with the United States, its key ally, and other friendly nations in the Indo-Pacific, has also sought closer ties with NATO, fearing that Russia's invasion of Ukraine could embolden China's assertiveness in the region.
'A stronger NATO will benefit Japan greatly,' Ishiba told a joint news conference after his talks with Rutte, who was in Japan for the first time since becoming secretary general of the organization in October.
In a joint statement released after their talks, Ishiba and Rutte said strengthening defense industrial cooperation is 'a shared priority' and that they plan to focus on developing dual-use and advanced technologies while enhancing their standardization. They also agreed to step up cooperation in cyber defense and space, as well as joint military exercises. Drones and Artificial Intelligence were also discussed.
Ishiba and Rutte also stated they 'strongly condemn' growing military ties between North Korea and Russia, including Russia's use of North Korean missiles and troops against Ukraine, while expressing concern about China's support for the Russian defense industrial base.
Russia continues to wage war against Ukraine while maintaining its ambitions to 'reshape European security,' Rutte said.
Both also called for upholding a free and open Indo-Pacific and opposed unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force in the East and South China Seas, and encouraged Beijing to improve the transparency of its military and to cooperate in arms control, calling on peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
The NATO chief told reporters that China has been pursuing a major military buildup, seeking to control key technologies, critical infrastructure and supply chains, and continues to carry out 'destabilizing activities' in the Indo-Pacific.
Rutte praised Japan's contributions to support Ukraine in the war against Russia, and welcomed Tokyo's willingness to participate in a NATO command for the support of Ukraine, expressed by Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani on Tuesday.
The NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine, or NSATU, is headquartered at a U.S. military base in Wiesbaden, Germany. Rutte said NSATU 'helps Ukraine fight today but also for Ukraine to build up its armed forces for tomorrow.'
Details of Japan's participation still need to be discussed, but the Japanese Self Defense Force, if stationed, is not expected to involve combative roles because of the country's postwar pacifist principles.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Imperialism still overshadows our intellectual history
Imperialism still overshadows our intellectual history

Spectator

time5 hours ago

  • Spectator

Imperialism still overshadows our intellectual history

Peter Watson begins his survey of the history of ideas in Britain with the assertion that the national mindset (which at that time was the English mindset) changed significantly after the accession of Elizabeth I. His book – a guide to the nature of British intellectual curiosity since the mid-16th century – begins there, just as England had undergone a liberation from a dominant European authority: the shaking off of the influence of the Roman Catholic church and the advent of the Reformation, and the new opportunities that offered for the people. He describes how a culture based largely on poetry and on the court of Elizabeth then redirected the prevailing intellectual forces of the time. This affected not just literature (Marlowe, Shakespeare and Jonson) but also helped develop an interest in science that grew remarkably throughout the next few centuries. The 'imagination' of Watson's title is not merely the creative artistic imagination, but also that of scientists and inventors and, indeed, of people adept at both. The book is, according to its footnotes, based on secondary sources, so those well read in the history of the intellect in Britain since the Reformation will find much that is familiar. There is the odd surprise, such as one that stems from the book's occasional focus on the British empire and the need felt today to discuss its iniquities. Watson writes that the portion of the British economy based on the slave trade (which must not be conflated with empire) was between 1 per cent and 1.4 per cent. He also writes that for much of the era of slavery the British had a non-racial view of it, since their main experience of the odious trade was of white people being captured by Barbary pirates and held to ransom. While this cannot excuse the barbarism endured by Africans shipped by British (and other) slavers across the Atlantic, it lends some perspective to a question in serious danger of losing any vestige of one. Watson does not come down on one side or the other in the empire debate, eschewing the 'balance sheet' approach taken by historians such as Nigel Biggar and Niall Ferguson; but he devotes too much of the last section of his book to the question, when other intellectual currents in the opening decades of the 21st century might have been more profitably explored, not least the continuing viability of democracy. Earlier on, he gives much space to an analysis of Edward Said, and questions such as whether Jane Austen expressed her antipathy to slavery sufficiently clearly in the novel Mansfield Park. But then some of Watson's own analyses of writers and thinkers are not always easily supported. He is better on the 18th century – dealing well with the Scottish enlightenment (giving a perfectly nuanced account of Adam Smith) and writers such as Burke and Gibbon – than he appears to be on the 19th. He gives Carlyle his due, but cites an article in a learned American journal from 40 years ago to justify his claim that Carlyle's 'reputation took a knock' in 1849 with the publication of his Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question. Watson says readers were offended by the use of the term 'Quashee' to describe a black man. They may well, if so, have been unsettled by the still less palatable title that the Discourse was subsequently given, which was The Nigger Question: it appeared thus in a 1853 pamphlet and in the Centenary Edition of Carlyle's works in 1899. That indicates the Discourse did Carlyle's reputation no lasting harm at the time, whatever it may have done since. In seeking to pack so much into fewer than 500 pages of text, Watson does skate over a few crucial figures. Some of his musings on empire might have been sacrificed to make more space for George Orwell, for example. A chapter in whose title his name appears features just one brief paragraph on him, about Homage to Catalonia, and later there is a page or so on Animal Farm, which says nothing new. Of Orwell's extensive and mould-breaking journalism there is nothing – somewhat surprising in a book about the British imagination when dealing with one of its leading exponents of the past century. Watson emphasises scientific discovery and innovation, and the effect on national life and ideas caused by the Industrial Revolution. These are all essential consequences of our intellectual curiosity, and he is right to conclude that the historic significance of Britain in these fields is immense. He includes league tables of Nobel prizewinners by nation in which Britain shows remarkably well. But these prizes are not the only means by which the contribution to civilisation and progress by a people are measured. There are notable omissions. Although Watson talks about the elitist nature of 'high culture' – such as Eliot and The Waste Land – he does not discuss how far the British imagination, and the British contribution to world civilisation, might have advanced had we taken the education of the masses more seriously earlier. We were, until the Butler Education Act of 1944, appalling at developing our human resources, and have not been much better since. It is surprising that there is no discussion of British music, one of the greatest fruits of the imagination of the past 150 years. And there is no analysis of the role of architecture, which, given its impact and its centrality to many people's idea of themselves as British, surely merited examination. The book shows extensive and intelligent reading, but trying to cram so much information and commentary into one volume has not been a complete success, or resulted in something entirely coherent.

How to game the social housing system
How to game the social housing system

Spectator

time5 hours ago

  • Spectator

How to game the social housing system

Westminster council has announced that every single social housing tenant in the borough will receive lifetime tenancies. No test of need. No review of income. No incentive to move on. Once you've been awarded a property, you can stay as long as you like. When you die, your adult children may be eligible to inherit the lifetime tenancy too. Social housing tenants in Westminster pay around a fifth of what renters on the open market spend. They also have access to more than one in four properties in the borough, from flats in postwar estates to £1 million terraced houses. The council says it's bringing stability to people's lives but for many young professionals dreaming of their own home, it looks like something else: a bribe. Angela Rayner has secured £39 billion more for social and affordable housing this week. Local councils will use this money not only to build houses, but to buy them from private landlords. It's a form of class warfare which targets the most politically invisible demographic – young, propertyless professionals – whom the state exploits mercilessly. One woman told me that she and her partner rent privately on a joint income of more than £100,000, yet still cannot afford to buy in Westminster. 'We walk past people every day who are being subsidised to live in the middle of London, while we can barely get by,' she said. You may scoff at the plight of high-earning professionals, but do the maths: a couple in London on £100,000 loses around £27,000 to tax, £30,000 on rent and 9 per cent of income over £28,000 to student loans before travel and bills. For many professionals, working hard simply doesn't add up. They are not alone in feeling this way. Another woman I spoke to recently bought a flat in a converted west London maisonette, only to find Japanese knotweed growing into her garden from a neighbouring property. 'If I had normal neighbours, this would have been fixed years ago. But because the flat happens to be owned by a housing association, they're not dealing with it.' She could lose tens of thousands on the value of her home, while her neighbours don't face any consequences. This sense of imbalance is not new, but it's becoming harder to ignore. One woman found herself living above a man who is fresh out of prison. He was placed there by the local authority and uses the property to deal drugs, smoke weed and house his illegal XL bullies. When she complained, he threatened her with his dogs. When she spoke to the council, she was told the placement was intentional, to keep him away from 'negative influences' in a nearby estate. Voters, paying ever more in housing costs, want a system that also rewards those playing by the rules Middle-income earners are paying for a model that rewards dysfunction. In the course of reporting this piece, I spoke to a senior housing officer with more than three decades' experience, a social worker in one of London's most ethnically segregated boroughs and a former official who has witnessed profound changes in social housing. All spoke of claimants who game the system. 'People know what to say,' explained one officer. 'They'll allow mould to grow in their temporary accommodation to get on the council flat track. Or say their partner's become abusive. That gets them priority.' I was told that some families encourage their daughters to declare themselves homeless while pregnant. 'Everyone knows how it works,' one official said. 'You get her on the list and she'll get a flat in a couple of years. They'll take her back in the meantime, then she moves out when a property is offered.' Once housed, few ever leave. 'There's no incentive to move,' said the social worker. 'If you start earning, you don't lose the flat. If you stop, you get help again. People treat it like an inheritance.' In boroughs such as Tower Hamlets, entire communities have been built around this model. 'There's halal butchers, Islamic schools, mosques. The infrastructure is there.' The patterns are impossible to ignore. In Tower Hamlets, 67 per cent of Muslim households are in social housing. The reasons are complex: economic clustering, migration history, support networks, but the result is visible. Often newcomers are helped by others who know how the system works. 'You ask around, someone tells you what to do,' the former officer said. 'It's ingrained.' Fraud happens too, sometimes spectacularly. In Greenwich, Labour councillor Tonia Ashikodi was convicted of applying for council housing while owning multiple properties. In Tower Hamlets, another Labour councillor and solicitor Muhammad Harun pleaded guilty to housing fraud. Staff across multiple boroughs have been caught taking bribes. But most manipulation is quiet, legal and invisible. While middle-income Londoners compete with one another in the housing market, the government buys up more properties, removing them from the private rental pool. Westminster council has just spent another £235 million buying hundreds more properties. Those are now off-limits for those looking to rent or buy, pushing up the price of remaining homes. Here, too, are the hidden costs of the groaning social housing system. 'If you earn £100,000, you lose your child benefit, your tax allowance, your eligibility for support,' one young professional told me. 'But the person in the flat next door could be on full housing benefit and you're paying for them to live there.' For many, that's the injustice. The problem isn't that people are housed, but that they are housed indefinitely, unconditionally and often with more security than those footing the bill. If we're serious about fairness, long-term benefit claimants should be rehoused in cheaper areas. This isn't about punishing those people. In fact, it's the kinder thing to do: it would free up homes for teachers, nurses, civil servants, people who make cities function and who are priced out. A new politics may be emerging from this tension. Not one of ideology but of exasperation. Last month, shadow justice secretary Robert Jenrick published a video in which he confronted fare-dodgers on the Tube, asking why they felt they could get for free what everyone else had to pay for. It went viral for a reason. Voters, paying ever more in taxes and housing costs, want a system that also rewards people who play by the rules.

Six members of ­Russian spy ring to have ‘too lenient' jail sentences reviewed
Six members of ­Russian spy ring to have ‘too lenient' jail sentences reviewed

Scottish Sun

time6 hours ago

  • Scottish Sun

Six members of ­Russian spy ring to have ‘too lenient' jail sentences reviewed

Click to share on X/Twitter (Opens in new window) Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) SIX members of a ­Russian spy ring are to have their jail sentences reviewed for being too lenient, we can reveal. The Bulgarians — who lived and worked in ­the UK — plotted sex stings, and targeted Russian ­dissidents and journalists critical of President Vladimir Putin's war effort against Ukraine. Sign up for Scottish Sun newsletter Sign up 7 Russian Spy Vanya Gaberova was sentenced to eight years in jail Credit: Reuters 7 The operations was run out of a Great Yarmouth guesthouse Credit: PA The ring included lab worker Katrin Ivanova, 33, and beauty shop owner Vanya Gaberova, 30 — dubbed 'killer sexy brunettes' by cell leaders. Ivanova got nine years and eight months and Gaberova eight years. They were both found guilty in March of breaching the Official Secrets Act by conspiring to provide information useful to an enemy between August 2020 and February 2023. Ivanova also got a concurrent sentence of 15 months for forged ID documents. read more on russia BRAND OF EVIL Ukrainian PoW released in swap left with 'Glory to Russia' burned on his body All six got a total of more than 50 years last month. The Attorney General's Office has been asked to consider the sentences under the Unduly Lenient Sentence scheme. The ULS scheme allows anyone to ask for a Crown Court sentence to be assessed by the Attorney General's office if they think it is too lenient. Law officers have 28 days from sentencing to make a decision. 7 Katrin Ivanova was sentenced to nine years and eight months Credit: Central News 7 Orlin Roussev ran the spy ring Credit: PA 7 Ivan Iliev Stoyanov was convicted of carrying out surveillance for Putin 7 Tihomir Ivanov Ivanchev was also jailed for his part in the spy ring Credit: PA 7 Biser Dzhambazov was convicted as part of the ring Credit: PA Unlock even more award-winning articles as The Sun launches brand new membership programme - Sun Club.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store