
Fury as fear of mass migration branded ‘terrorist ideology' in official govt training papers
BOATS FEAR 'TERROR STANCE' Fury as fear of mass migration branded 'terrorist ideology' in official govt training papers
Click to share on X/Twitter (Opens in new window)
Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)
CONCERN about mass migration is a 'terrorist ideology' that requires deradicalisation, official government training documents state.
A course hosted by the anti-extremism programme Prevent lists 'cultural nationalism' as a belief that should trigger alarm.
Sign up for Scottish Sun
newsletter
Sign up
2
Toby Young, head of the Free Speech Union is furious with the decision to brand concern about mass immigration as 'terrorist ideology'
Credit: PA:Press Association
It includes a view that 'Western culture is under threat from mass mig-ration and lack of integration by certain ethnic or cultural groups'.
The news has sparked fury with free speech activists, including Toby Young, head of the Free Speech Union.
In a letter to Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, he writes: 'Now that 'cultural nationalism' has been classified as a subcategory of extreme right-wing terrorist ideology, even mainstream, right-of-centre beliefs risk being treated as ideologically suspect, despite falling well within the bounds of lawful expression.'
The Home Office said: 'Prevent is not about restricting debate or free speech, but preventing those suscept-ible to radicalisation.'
It comes after 1,194 illegal migrants arrived on small boats last Saturday.
The leader of Labour's Red Wall faction said Sir Keir Starmer should consider reforming ECHR laws blamed for letting an Albanian criminal stay here due to his son not liking chicken nuggets abroad.
Backbencher Jo White said: 'We need to be looking at things like ECHR article eight.
"I don't think anything should be off the table.
13 migrants jumped from the back of a lorry at a Sainsbury's distribution centre in South East London

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Telegraph
32 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Nearly nine in ten voters support deporting foreign sex offenders
Almost nine in 10 voters think foreign sex offenders should be deported, a new poll has revealed. A huge majority of Britons across all ages and political parties agree that migrants who commit a sexual offence should be kicked out. It comes amid a wider debate about the impacts of mass migration and controversy over alleged crimes perpetrated by asylum seekers. The survey, by Find Out Now, also found that almost four in 10 people favour restricting immigration from countries with poor women's rights. Yvette Cooper, the Home Secretary, has vowed to increase the rate of deportations and limit the avenues foreign criminals have to appeal against their removal. Earlier this year, she announced that any migrant placed on the sex offender register would be automatically prevented from claiming asylum in the UK. The pollsters asked more than 2,000 voters whether they supported the deportation of non-UK citizens who have been convicted of sex crimes. More than 87 per cent said they either 'strongly' or 'somewhat' supported removal, compared to just three per cent who said they opposed it. In total, 85 per cent of Labour voters, 96 per cent of Conservative supporters and 97 per cent of Reform backers said they favoured deportation of this kind. Find Out Now also asked the public whether they would support restricting immigration from countries 'where women have few legal rights and protections'. Just under 39 per cent of all voters said they would back such restrictions, compared with a little over a quarter who said they would oppose them. Support for tougher measures was voiced by 30 per cent of Labour voters, 52 per cent of Conservative backers and 74 per cent of Reform supporters. A total of 38 per cent of Labour supporters said they would oppose such measures. Finally, the pollsters also asked Britons whether they 'believe that immigration levels impact women's safety in your area'. Overall, 47 per cent said they believed that was the case, versus 23 per cent who did not. In total, 29 per cent of Labour voters, 58 per cent of Conservative supporters and 84 per cent of Reform backers said they felt less safe. Additionally, 43 per cent of Labour supporters said they believed their area was less safe as a result of migration. The poll was commissioned by the Women's Safety Initiative, a group set up 'to expose the dangers of uncontrolled immigration'. The group says it provides 'a space for women to voice concerns about safety, culture, and national identity without fear of censorship or judgment'. Anna McGovern, the deputy director, said: 'This data confirms what women across the country have been telling us for years – they feel less safe and they want action. I've spoken to so many women who have shared their experiences of feeling unsafe, and I include myself in that. 'Our leaders cannot continue to ignore these concerns or dismiss them as unfounded. Women's safety must be prioritised above political convenience, and this is the moment to start taking decisive steps to protect women everywhere.'


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘I'm proud to have made this stand': over-60s arrested at Palestine Action ban protest explain their decision
In recent weeks, hundreds of people have been arrested for taking part in demonstrations organised by the campaign group Defend Our Juries. Their alleged crime is calling for an end to the ban against Palestine Action, which has been proscribed as a terrorist organisation by Yvette Cooper, the home secretary. One striking detail among those detained is their age. Half of those arrested at the largest protest yet, in Parliament Square in London on Saturday, were 60 or older. Some said they had taken part to give a voice to younger people who have more to lose by breaking the law, some simply felt they must challenge the government's stance. The Guardian has spoken to some of these protesters. 'The government is looking [like] such idiots,' said Deborah Hinton, a former magistrate. 'I mean when people say, 'What's your status?', and then I say, 'Well, I'm on bail for terrorism', they look at me as if the situation is farcical. I think they [ministers] are making themselves look an absolute joke.' Hinton was arrested at a 19 July demonstration in Cornwall arranged by Defend Our Juries (DOJ). A former member of the Parole Board, she was awarded an OBE in 1994 for services to the community. She said she was already involved with DOJ because she was worried about the erosion of free speech and the right to protest, but the banning of Palestine Action was a 'red line'. She said: 'In my view, Palestine Action is not a terrorist organisation. I lived through the IRA and the bombing in London when you had to leave shops and leave museums because bombs might go off any minute. Frankly, that is what a terrorist organisation is. This is not a terrorist organisation, it's a direct action organisation, like the suffragists, like the Greenham Common women, like many other organisations. 'If people do direct action and they cause criminal damage, then you arrest the people, you charge them [under existing laws], and that's that.' As well as free speech concerns, her longstanding support for the Palestinian cause led her to risk arrest. 'What's going on in Gaza has gone beyond anything that one could possibly have imagined,' said Hinton. 'I can't even think about it, it's too awful.' Hinton said she was shaking as the officers moved down the line of placard holders arresting each person as they went. An officer then told her that if she put down her placard she could leave without further action. 'I knew I couldn't do that, but it was such a temptation because it was so terrifying,' said Hinton. 'I've been a very law-abiding citizen and very respectful of authority all my life but I knew I had to do this and it was my duty to do this.' Hinton said it was right that her generation were putting themselves on the frontline. 'Young people are going to jeopardise their careers,' she said. 'They won't get a visa to go to the [United] States. They won't get a visa to go to most other countries because they'll have terrorism on their record. 'People like me, who are elderly, we can afford it. I'm very sorry not to go and be able to visit my niece in America but it's not the end of the world. Young people shouldn't be doing this, we should be doing this. We should be taking the responsibility.' John McGowan, a Catholic priest, said that when Yvette Cooper was in opposition he felt she 'spoke for me'. But asked what he would say to the home secretary now, he replied: 'For goodness sake, don't call these people terrorists because they're not terrorists. 'The focus shouldn't be on Palestine Action. The focus should be on what the government isn't doing for the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.' McGowan, a Carmelite and parish priest of St Joseph's in Chalfont St Peter, was one of 532 people arrested at the demonstration in Parliament Square on 9 August, the largest against the proscription of the organisation to date. He said he had written in his diary a week or two before the protest that he would like to be arrested in support of the cause, so when the demonstration was announced it was the opportunity he was looking for. He attended wearing his Roman collar, identifying himself as a priest, and met a Baptist minister there who was also arrested. After being detained, McGowan was placed in a police van where there were two female officers that he said were 'polite, and almost apologetic. I sat down, and I felt very calm and almost serene.' When the van drove away, he said people cheered in support of him and the two other protesters in the vehicle, banging on the van and making the heart sign to them. 'It was a strain, but exhilarating as well. It was an extraordinary day, I've never had a day like it in my life but I'm glad I did it. In my conscience, I was clear it was the right thing to do so I take that as my guiding light. If I get a criminal record, I don't care.' He said he was not expecting any recriminations from the Catholic church and had experienced a moving response from his congregation. 'I was in two minds whether to tell the people in my church what I'd done but I'm the kind of person that likes to share these things and so I did,' he said. 'I was really nervous but at the end of mass I said: 'Look, I went to the demonstration, I got arrested' and they applauded me. I was almost in tears.' A former British army colonel and ex-military attache, Chris Romberg cut an unlikely terrorism suspect even among hundreds of other retirees arrested in Parliament Square in relation to Palestine Action. Yet it is this background – along with the fact that his father and grandparents fled Nazi Germany in 1938 – that motivated him to join the protest, leading to his arrest under the Terrorism Act. 'This year saw the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp by British forces. What they found shocked the British people,' said Romberg, who himself saw action in the Falklands war with the commando regiment and was mentioned in dispatches. 'What we are seeing now in Gaza, 80 years on, is equally shocking. As a former officer in the British army, I am horrified that the government is misusing our armed forces to be complicit in the genocide rather than to end it.' Claims by Cooper that those protesting 'don't know the full nature' of Palestine Action have also struck a nerve. 'The impression I get is that people are now extremely distrustful of the government,' said Romberg, who left the army in 2007. 'That the home secretary should speak like that and say that she has information but can't tell us what it is reminds me of the Monty Python sketch about the Piranha brothers, where there is a man who had his head nailed to a coffee table because he had broken an unwritten law but they wouldn't tell him what it was.' The former diplomat's last two appointments were as defence attache at the British embassies in Jordan and Egypt, and he speaks knowledgeably about the region. Since leaving the army, he became active in supporting the Palestinian cause. Recently, he joined the group Holocaust Survivors and Descendants against the Gaza Genocide, other members of which stood together under a banner during the protest on Saturday. It was the first time that he has been arrested in his life. Before taking part, he reflected a lot on what he was about to do. 'It wasn't a decision I took lightly and the organisers, Defend Our Juries, made absolutely sure that everybody realised the implications of what they were doing, and yet people felt strongly enough that they were able and were prepared to take that risk.' Richard Whitmore-Jones readily admits he 'doesn't particularly approve' of the methods deployed by Palestine Action, the direct action group proscribed last month. 'I was brought up to respect property,' he said. Yet in his next breath, the retired company director makes an argument few might expect from a former executive at the multinational beverage company Diageo. 'I was certainly in horror of vandalism but I have to admit that people have not been listened to on Gaza. There have been enormous marches in London and they have not been reported accurately or were kept off the front pages. 'Palestine Action's methods sit very uneasily with me. It's difficult to accept that vandalism is the only way to go. However, I feel we have to do something and I support their stand against genocide.' Whitmore-Jones, from East Sussex, was arrested on Saturday having also been previously arrested at another protest organised by Defend Our Juries, returning with the same placard stating: 'I oppose genocide. I support Palestine Action.' He has been bailed to appear at a police station in October. As for the decision to put himself in line for arrest not once but twice, Whitmore-Jones cites being part of a generation whose parents fought fascism in the second world war, which in his own case included an RAF father who became a prisoner of the Japanese. 'I am astonished that we now have a government that has been supporting exactly the sort of actions, in Gaza, which Britain sought to prevent 80 years ago. My father's sacrifice, which he saw as being to prevent other peoples from being invaded and treated badly, appears to be contrary to what our government is doing,' he said. For much of his working life, Whitmore-Jones was with Diageo, rising to become a property manager and office services manager at the company, retiring in 2003 shortly after it was taken over. He 'came late' to activism for Gaza, going on his first ever march when he was 72. 'I felt better for doing something, though I realised I was doing very little really,' he said, before the proscription of Palestine Action changed everything again for him. He shrugs off the suggestion that he was now making a sacrifice by facing a potential terrorism conviction and the life-changing limitations that come with it, insisting: 'Look, I'm 74, I don't have a mortgage to get, I don't have a job. I will be a little bit upset about not being allowed to go to America, but I really will live with that. It's the young people that are brave.' As for his family's views of what he is doing, Whitmore-Jones said: 'It's gone from amusement to absolute firm support and I'm very pleased with the attitude of my children.' Family, in a way, is also at the heart of his motivation for seeking to oppose Israel's actions in Gaza: 'This is about children the age of my grandchildren having their limbs and their lives taken away.' After leading a 'wonderful, full life', the TV screenwriter Trevelyan Evans, who has written for a number of BBC sitcoms, is unafraid of being called a terrorist in the courts. 'I'm very proud to have made this stand, whether I'm convicted or not,' he said. He was among the 532 people, many of them 'old fogies', arrested last Saturday. 'People in my demographic are standing up for those people who can't risk having a conviction on their records for a terrorism offence,' he said. He felt compelled to take part in the protest to stand up for 'the people of Gaza and Palestine who are being massacred' and to oppose the group's proscription, which he called an 'obviously ridiculous judicial overreach on behalf of the government'. 'They just slapped this ban on them in order to suppress opposition,' he added. Before the demonstration began last weekend, he jokingly said he got his 'materials for terrorism' ready on the green in Parliament Square. His tools of choice? A pen and piece of paper. 'I never realised being a terrorist could be so much fun,' he said. 'Being out in the open air and meeting new people in a nice central location … it was a convivial atmosphere.' After the silent portion of the protest ended, Evans said people were 'handing out sandwiches and sun cream' until an officer with 'seven of his friends came round' and told him he was being arrested. They then started to carry him out of the square. 'I hadn't been carried around like that since I was at school,' he said. 'The policeman said: 'You're a bit heavy.' He had to call one of his friends over to help carry me. I thought that was a bit of a liberty.' After this, he was placed in a police van, which he had all to himself. 'I think, on behalf of the Metropolitan police, it was quite generous.' Evans is on bail awaiting charge. He said the government's decision to ban Palestine Action represented a 'kind of creeping authoritarianism [which is] eventually going to hit a wall, because it's inherently contradictory'. 'If you extend draconian laws, eventually you're going to look pretty stupid. I can see that the government laid itself a trap and walked straight into it.'


New Statesman
3 hours ago
- New Statesman
What JD Vance was really doing in Britain this week
Photo byJD Vance is the most underestimated man in Washington. Memes of him with a cartoonishly fat face populate the internet. A recent South Park episode had Donald Trump shouting at a tiny Vance 'Will you get out of here?!' and kicking him off screen. The news that he was turned away from The Bull pub in Oxfordshire this week following a staff mutiny was gleefully reported by American media. Democrats sneer that he is nothing more than a drooling dauphin, simpering and slavish. Vance is certainly going along with Trump's conceits in order to inherit the throne. But this narrative misses that JD Vance is already the prince of the Western right. His trip to England was the surest proof yet that Vance's constituency isn't just to be found in Washington or Ohio – but across the influencers and intellectuals of a tightly bound and unusually loyal transnational reactionary movement. This summer Vance held court in an English 18th-century manor, a forward operating base in his campaign to Maga-ify the British right. Part of his itinerary was set up by the slick Cambridge theologian James Orr and the podcasting former chancellor George Osborne. The less well-known Orr used to do Jordan Peterson's scheduling during his tours of British university campuses. Orr also serves as a Vance interpreter, having been quoted in the Times that Vance has a 'special concern' for the UK. Vance's criticism of the British government, particularly over its backsliding on free speech, seems grounded in a paternal feeling for America's errant ward. For these precious weeks Vance has come in-person, here to help guide the country onto stronger ground. The line between what counts as an official trip and a family holiday has blurred under Trump's administration. One of Vance's first 'official' trips was to the Vatican – where Vance, a Catholic convert, met Pope Francis – and to India with his family, the birthplace of his wife's parents. Meanwhile, the president invites world leaders to attend to him at his Scottish golf course. Informality takes precedence over diplomatic protocol. But while Trump invited Keir Starmer and Ursula Von der Leyen to Turnberry, Vance can look to the future. His guestlist showed he is interested in a new generation, one which will be ushered in under his tutelage. On 11 August, Vance hosted a small reception, organised by Osborne. Four Conservative MPs were there, all relatively young, and none the party leader: Robert Jenrick, Laura Trott, Chris Philp and Katie Lam, who recently clocked nearly one million views on X with a video illustrating mass migration with a jar overflowing with beads. Kemi Badenoch and Vance insisted diary clashes explain her absence. Under normal circumstances, you'd think someone who wants to be prime minister would make a trip to see the person most likely to be the next president of the United States. On 13 August, the vice-president instead met the person most likely to be the next prime minister. He hosted Nigel Farage for a one-on-one breakfast which Farage described to the Telegraph as 'two old friends meeting with many, many common interests. After all, I've been the longest public supporter of Maga in Britain.' Despite this 'old' friendship, Farage is not a recipient of the ultimate honour: the only one of these political guests Vance follows on his X account is Robert Jenrick. And Vance's online habits have taken to even more unexpected corners of British internet culture. He also follows Thomas Skinner, the former Apprentice candidate and self-made English influencer known for his catchphrase 'bosh'. Skinner was a guest at the manor for a barbecue on the evening of 10 August, alongside Orr and the Tory MP Danny Kruger. This is unusual. Imagine Dick Cheney eating ribs with David Davis, Ann Widdecombe, Robert Kilroy-Silk, and a young Michael Gove at a rented cottage in Salcombe. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Vance once said that Kruger's 2023 book on Britain, Covenant, has 'lessons for all of us who love the civilization built by our ancestors'. In a fragment, here is Vance's conflicted affection for England. The view that the ancestral home has been wrecked by liberal progressivism and mass immigration is a common thread in Maga. Steve Bannon once remarked to me: 'It's so pathetic, England. God, I love England – it's so fucked up'. In a column for the Wall Street Journal to mark Vance's visit, Orr claimed that the 'historical heuristic for our [Britain's] national unwinding is Beirut 1975'. That's a soft, almost cryptic way of saying that Britain is heading for a civil war fought along ethno-religious lines. This sense that Britain needs radical reform is what explains Vance's guestlist. Jenrick not only shares a physiognomy – a stout moon-shaped face, topped with closely cropped dark hair – with Vance (at least before Jenrick's Ozempic glow-up); both men have moved gradually but decidedly from liberal conservatism to the radical right, fuelled by civilisational angst at the extraordinary number of migrants who have arrived in Europe and America in recent decades. Another term for their beliefs is national conservatism. And it's not just a belief system: 'national conservatism' might be seen as a byword for this network of individuals, one which can unite theological grandees, international statesmen – and ambitious politicians. The same network of ideas and influence will be on display in Washington DC in September when the National Conservative Conference will take place. This is the sixth annual gathering, the brainchild of the American-Israeli political thinker Yoram Hazony. Vance, the Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the Trump adviser Stephen Miller have all attended in the past. The conferences are organised by Hazony's Edmund Burke Foundation, who have a UK branch, chaired by none other than Orr. Hazony recently told the New York Times that National Conservatism distinguishes itself in two directions: from the libertarians in the Republican Party to their left and the racist and anti-democratic figures to their right. Farage, who is listed as a conference speaker, has long said something similar about creating a wall between himself and people such as Tommy Robinson. Yet there are other speakers far to the right of most on Vance's guestlist: Jeremy Carl, the man trying to revive white identity politics; Jack Posobiec, a Bannon ally who once called for the overthrow of democracy; Jonathan Keeperman, an influential figure on the online right who runs Passage Press, a publishing company that prints forgotten books by reactionary authors (Ernst Jünger, HP Lovecraft) alongside contemporary writers popular with Maga intellectuals (Curtis Yarvin, Steve Sailer). One forthcoming NatCon panel will discuss how to overturn the Supreme Court ruling which legalised gay marriage in America. Does the British right have anything useful to learn from this crew? Apart from one Farage foray into abortion rights, the social issues that rivet America have little grasp in the UK. And while Skinner might like to tweet occasionally about going to church, the Catholicism of Vance and his political allies is dedicated and doctrinaire. As Ross Douthat, the Catholic New York Times columnist who interviewed Vance at the Vatican in May, told me, 'If you're going to be a Christian in the intelligentsia, it feels like Catholicism or nothing.' A paradox of American secularism is that religion is also a font of political philosophy. That is not the case in Westminster. Kruger's evangelical Christianity is unusual in parliament. But outside the Commons, perhaps the most influential evangelical is Paul Marshall, the owner of the Spectator and co-owner of GB News. Marshall met Vance on 12 August. Yet few in England would cite the Archbishop of Canterbury as a political inspiration. Roger Scruton plays the role of in-house philosopher for British conservatives much more than Pope Benedict XVI. But religiosity is not a precondition for national conservatism. English national conservatism will always be couched in English culture. Progressives' adoption of woke politics, exemplified by the Black Lives Matter protests in 2020, was the last significant American political import into Britain. Is Vance leading what could be the next? There is no JD Vance analogue in the country. But this son of Scots-Irish America is assembling the English shards of himself, from the religious intellectual pondering integralism, to the Essex hillbilly with the common touch. National conservatism has the inventory to hand a wily politician both a populist playbook and at the same time an elite intellectual hinterland to serve as a guiding philosophy. One suspects Vance dished out some advice to his guests while in the Cotswolds on how to use this very modern synthesis to fuel Britain with the same forces he and Trump are using to reshape America. [See also: The Cotswolds plot against JD Vance] Related