At Munich Convention, Iran's Crown Prince Declares Opposition to Islamic Regime
Pahlavi's communications team described it as 'the largest, most diverse gathering of Iranian dissidents united for a democratic Iran,' with more than 500 people attending to create 'the most diverse coalition ever established against the regime.'
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CNBC
an hour ago
- CNBC
With Trump pressure and a 'new Lebanon,' can Hezbollah's shadow economy be dismantled?
Up until a few months ago, the drive from Beirut's international airport through the Lebanese capital city's southern suburbs used to feature a stream of pro-Iranian and Hezbollah-themed propaganda. Hassan Nasrallah, the charismatic former leader of the Iran-backed group who was killed in Beirut last year, stared down at you from billboards while you drove along Imam Khomeini Road, named after the late founder of Iran's Islamic Republic. Images of Hezbollah leaders were interspersed with dramatic murals of fallen Iranian spy commander Qasem Soleimani. Now many of those images have been replaced with western and local brands. In June dozens of those billboards along the highway instead featured Formula One racecar driver Lewis Hamilton advertising shaving products. Many of the new posters also feature patriotic, unifying messages that replaced the formerly sectarian signage — an attempt by Lebanon's new Prime Minister Nawaf Salam to encourage "A New Era for Lebanon," just in time for the summer tourism boom the Mediterranean country is hoping for after months of war. In this "new" Lebanon, Hezbollah is being forced to operate in the shadows — more than ever in the group's over 40-year history. The Iranian proxy, which controls several parts of Lebanon as a sub-state group and is designated a terrorist organization by Washington, has always looked for creative ways to evade U.S. sanctions. But since Israel's aggressive assault – its most deadly since the 2006 war – Hezbollah's leadership and financial infrastructure have been left in tatters. "Hezbollah finds itself in its greatest predicament since its foundation. The Israeli war against Lebanon greatly hit the party and its infrastructures, assassinating the party's senior military and political leaders including Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah," Joseph Daher, author of "Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon's Party of God," told CNBC. "The regions majorly inhabited by the Shia population have been greatly targeted, destroying extensively civilian housing and infrastructures as well," he said. The group, whose political wing also holds seats in parliament, still wields significant political power in Lebanon, which last held parliamentary elections in 2022. Despite losing the most significant number of seats in the group's political history, it still held tight to a 62-seat coalition in the 128-member parliament. While Hezbollah "will not disappear because it has a strong, disciplined and organized political and militant structure, and benefits from the continued assistance of Iran," the group "has become increasingly politically and socially isolated outside Lebanon's Shia population," Daher said. While Hezbollah receives much of its funding from Iran, it has also developed extensive international financial networks to bring in revenue. The group makes money from traditional industries like banking and construction, but it also runs smuggling, money laundering and international drug trafficking operations around the Middle East and as far afield as Bulgaria and Argentina. Its revenues are estimated in the billions of dollars annually. Hezbollah's parallel governance strategy, operating as both a political party and sub-state group, has enabled it to survive and grow as an armed group for decades. When Lebanese depositors were locked out of their savings in 2019 after a financial meltdown crippled the country and its currency, Hezbollah remained able to fund its base and illicit activities. It operated cash-only businesses and ran black market U.S. dollar exchanges. This strategy will continue despite pressure on their finances, regional analysts saydue to the extreme difficulty of tracking informal, cash-only transactions. Lebanon's economy "operates more than 60% on cash exchanges, the circulation of which the state cannot trace," Daher said. "It is thanks to the segment of this cash in circulation that Hezbollah smuggles into Lebanon that it finances its activities and pays its employees and helps its popular base, alongside other sources of funding, both licit and illicit." However, the U.S. under President Donald Trump's administration is placing renewed pressure on Lebanon's new government to crack down on Hezbollah's illicit activities. In an apparent blow to Hezbollah's funding operations, Lebanon's central bank, the Banque Du Liban (BDL), issued a directive banning all financial institutions in the country from any dealings with Al-Qard al-Hasan — a Hezbollah-linked financial entity that provides local loans by taking gold and jewelry as collateral. It's a tool by which Hezbollah cements support from the country's Shiite population and gets more funding for its operations. Israel has specifically targeted Al-Qard al-Hasan facilities with airstrikes in the last year. The BDL move was "ingenious," said Matthew Levitt, a senior fellow at The Washington Institute and director of its counterterrorism and intelligence program, because Al-Qard al-Hasan has long been registered as a charity and thus was able to operate outside the Lebanese financial system, evading regulatory oversight. "Here, the BDL appears to have found a way to jump the gap and say, 'whatever you are, people can't provide services for you. You can't bank, and anybody who does is violating the law," Levitt said. Until recently, Hezbollah controlled almost all ports of entry in Lebanon, including the Beirut airport. Following Israel's assault on the group, its airport is now under the control of the Lebanese government, which has fired staff linked to Hezbollah, detained smugglers, and implemented new surveillance technology. And while Tehran is still funding its proxy group, its transport routes to Lebanon are dramatically restricted after losing a key ally with the fall of the Bashar al Assad regime in Syria. Flights coming in from Iran and other locations meant to bring in material support for Hezbollah are being heavily inspected, experts told CNBC. "Cash transfers from abroad have been intercepted at the airport and border. We are talking about millions of dollars," Daher said of the renewed security in the country. Many who want to see Hezbollah's power dismantled say the time is now. "When you now have Iran under tremendous stress, and Lebanon overtly trying to crack down on Hezbollah's ability to function as an independent militia – and trying to target the funding it needs to be able to do that – you have an interesting opportunity," Levitt, who also served as deputy assistant secretary for intelligence and analysis at the U.S. Treasury Department, told CNBC in an interview. For the first time in decades, both the prime minister and president of Lebanon are interested in asserting monopoly over the use of force in the country, he added. "They're interested in securing the much, much needed international aid that Lebanon needs to get out of the economic crisis, and they're interested in not saying no to the Trump administration." But it's not that easy. The group, long described as the most powerful non-state organization in the Middle East, is still loyally followed by hundreds of thousands of people who rely on it for social services and ideological leadership — and it remains well-armed. Notably, no one is officially demanding Hezbollah disband or cease to exist entirely. Trump's envoy to the region Tom Barrack recently demanded Hezbollah lay down its weapons, a proposition the group has rejected. "Hezbollah's not going to disarm because you ask them nicely," Levitt said. "But we have to enable the government of Lebanon to do this, give them the capability to do it, and have their back when they do it." That requires a combination of carrots and sticks, former U.S. officials say – ironically, tools that have in many cases been weakened by the shrinking of U.S. government resources under the Trump administration. Alexander Zerden, principal at Washington-based risk advisory firm Capitol Peak Strategies who formerly served at the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, outlined some of those potential approaches. "On the offensive side, the U.S. can and will likely continue to target Hezbollah financial networks inside and outside of Lebanon. The U.S. will seek to deny Hezbollah access to Syria, including lucrative reconstruction contracts," Zerden said. "On the incentive side, direct tools are more limited with reductions in diplomacy and development capabilities," he noted – one example of that being the gutting of USAID, which served as a powerful diplomatic vehicle. "However," he added, "there appears to be space for the U.S. to support economic reforms." For Ronnie Chatah, a Lebanese political analyst and host of The Beirut Banyan podcast, what's truly needed is international pressure that would push Iran to relinquish its involvement in Lebanon. "What has not yet shifted in Lebanon's favor is the international aspect, meaning finding a way for Iran to abandon Lebanon that I think can only happen by strategic diplomacy," said Chatah, whose father, a former Lebanese finance minister, was killed in a suspected Hezbollah assassination plot. "If the Trump administration wants peace the way it says repeatedly, if Donald Trump wants the Nobel Peace Prize too, there has to be some way forward for Lebanon to take the spotlight and to find a peaceful resolution that in some ways satisfies Iran's terms," he told CNBC from Beirut. What's been done so far by both the U.S. and Lebanese governments is important, but will not ultimately break Hezbollah's power in the country, Chatah warned. "The window of opportunity is now. It's not tomorrow, and unfortunately, it's a closing window," he said. "The intent is not enough. Whether it's by the Trump administration or even whether it's by the Lebanese president, the intention is not enough."
Newsweek
2 hours ago
- Newsweek
How Israel Could Exploit Iran's Ethnic Division to Wage War From Within
Based on factual reporting, incorporates the expertise of the journalist and may offer interpretations and conclusions. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. With Iran still reeling from its 12-day war, Israel retains a hidden weapon in its arsenal against the Islamic Republic—disaffected minorities who also seek to overthrow the government. Analysts and former Israeli officials tell Newsweek that discussions toward endorsing such activities are gaining traction as tensions continue to simmer across the Middle East. Among them is Eran Lahav, a former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) intelligence analyst serving as senior researcher at the Israel Defense and Security Forum. He recently authored a report identifying ways in which Israel could apply greater pressure against Iran, including through fostering stronger partnerships with Iranian dissident groups based both within and outside the Islamic Republic. At a time when calls for popular uprisings by both Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Iranian opposition leaders have gone largely unrealized, the report finds that "hope alone is insufficient," and "only material assistance, including arms and logistics, can enable the opposition to act decisively." "We haven't finished the job yet. There are still things to do," Lahav told Newsweek. "I think we could push it more and threaten this regime more." "This could also help these groups within Iran," he said, "and I think Israel carefully should see strategically how she can act in the next few months." An image of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is seen alongside a map of Iran as well as Kurdish and Baloch fighters in this Newsweek illustration. An image of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is seen alongside a map of Iran as well as Kurdish and Baloch fighters in this Newsweek illustration. Newsweek Illustration/Canva/Getty Iran's Ethnic Fault Lines Iran is home to a diverse population of over 90 million people, around 61 percent of whom are estimated to be ethnic Persians. Some of the most sizable minority groups that make up the remainder include Azeris, Kurds, Baloch and Arabs (also known by their local demonym, Ahwazis or Ahvazis), all of which have histories of hosting separatist movements, though to varying degrees, ideologies and activities. By and large, Iranian minority communities live in peace, and many citizens of all backgrounds appeared to rally behind the government during and after the recent clashes. Still, activists among these communities frequently accuse the government of oppression, while others have taken up arms in the name of greater autonomy or even independence. The most active insurgent factions organized along ethnic lines today in Iran are rooted in Iran's northwest, part of the geo-cultural Kurdistan region that also comprises parts of Iraq, Syria and Turkey, and in the southeast, linked to the similarly cross-border Balochistan region that also encompasses parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Leaders among both stateless peoples intensified calls for opposing the Iranian government as Israel conducted an unprecedented series of strikes against the country over a dozen days last month. Lahav acknowledged that such groups had orchestrated some "minor actions" amid the war but said "it's not enough." "I think the more they see the regime is exposed and weakening, they could see there's a huge panic in the regime itself, and Israel and the U.S. can push there, and Israel can push with some aid and some support," Lahav said, "but it should be in certain channels." "Maybe this will be the next fall in the domino effect of this regime," he added. A member of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) delivers a speech as members celebrate Nowruz at the Jezhnikan Village around Baharka, Iraq, on March 18. A member of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) delivers a speech as members celebrate Nowruz at the Jezhnikan Village around Baharka, Iraq, on March 18. YOUNES MOHAMMAD/Middle East Images/AFP/Getty Images Reviving the Kurdish Front Of the ethnic armed movements in Iran, those led by the Kurds, which make up around 10 percent of the national population, have traditionally been the most organized. Kurdish factions also have a long history of taking advantage of conflicts, such as the Iran-Iraq War, to double down on anti-government activity, and have also faced harsh crackdowns. Today, the primary Kurdish dissident groups in Iran are the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI), the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK) and the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, which has splintered into several factions in recent years. While Iranian Kurds predominantly live in the provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam, Hamadan and Lorestan, many Kurdish armed groups operate in the neighboring territory of northern Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government. In May, as tensions mounted in the lead-up to the 12-day war between Iran and Israel, Newsweek spoke with Komala Secretary-General Abdulla Mohtadi, who reiterated that his group had renounced armed struggle, but would continue to seek to overthrow the Iranian government and bring about greater Kurdish autonomy through civil resistance. In this endeavor, Komala has formed an alliance with the PDKI, including throughout the "Women, Life, Freedom" protest movement that erupted in September 2022 following the death of Kurdish Iranian Mahsa Amini in police custody. As Israel carried out its bombing campaign last month, Netanyahu used the phrase during an address to the Iranian people, asserting that "this is your opportunity to stand up and let your voices be heard." Thus far, no overt ties have been established between Israel and Kurdish factions, though, as evidenced by Israel's successful infiltration of Iran in the opening salvo of its latest attacks and in previous operations, the spearhead of Israel's offense often lies in the shadows. "Any support to an ethnic group if it takes place, it would be clandestine for the safety of that group and for Israel's own interests," Ofra Bengio, senior research fellow at Israel's Moshe Dayan Center, told Newsweek. "I think the main candidate for such cooperation might be the Kurdish minority," she said, "because it is the most organized and because it has had a long struggle behind it against any Iranian regime." At the same time, she noted that Israel's past efforts to openly cultivate minority movements abroad have proved "frustrating for both partners," citing the experience with Lebanon's predominantly Maronite Christian South Lebanon Army that effectively established its own state with Israeli backing during the country's 15-year civil war before collapsing upon the IDF's withdrawal in 2000. Even attempts at Kurdish partnerships in Iraq, Bengio argued, have "ended up with certain frustration for both sides." Then-Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Ground Forces commander-in-chief Mohammad Pakpour, now head of the entire IRGC, inspects the scene of a car bombing in front of a police station in the city of Chabahar, Sistan and... Then-Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Ground Forces commander-in-chief Mohammad Pakpour, now head of the entire IRGC, inspects the scene of a car bombing in front of a police station in the city of Chabahar, Sistan and Baluchestan province, on December 6, 2018. More FARS NEWS AGENCY/AFP/Getty Images The Battle for Balochistan While the Baloch constitute a far smaller portion of the Iranian populace, around 2 percent, anti-government protests have been particularly prevalent in the southeast Sistan and Baluchestan province, the poorest in the country. Armed factions present here and in neighboring Pakistan's Balochistan province have also proved a persistent threat to the security forces of both nations. The four primary Baloch separatist groups are the Balochistan Liberation Army, the Balochistan Liberation Front, Jaish ul-Adl and Ansar al-Farqan, the latter two of which are also explicitly Sunni Islamist in nature. On the political resistance front, one group that has increasingly garnered attention in recent years is the Free Balochistan Movement, led by activist Hyrbyair Marri, who is based in the United Kingdom. In comments shared with Newsweek, Marri accused the Iranian government of neglecting basic infrastructure and services in the province of Sistan and Baluchestan, and of "deliberately denying birth certificates to Baloch children—a systematic and calculated policy aimed at erasing their legal identity, displacing them from their ancestral homeland, and depriving them of their rightful citizenship in Balochistan." He also argued that "the Baloch have always coexisted peacefully with religious minorities and, like the Kurds, represent the antithesis of jihadism." Marri has recently been given a new platform through the Balochistan Studies Project inaugurated last month by the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), a Washington, D.C-based media monitoring organization cofounded by former Israeli intelligence officer Yigal Carmon and Israeli American political scientist Meyrav Wurmser. "The goal of the project is to give a voice the Baloch people and to expose the brutal suppression by Pakistan and Iran of 60 million Baloch people, who remain voiceless in their own land, lacking a single independent TV channel, radio station, or newspaper," Anna Mahjar-Barducci, senior researcher at MEMRI, told Newsweek. "Pakistan and Iran are deeply fearful of the academic research conducted by MEMRI on Balochistan because it threatens to unveil the harsh realities of state-sponsored repression, ethnic cleansing, and resource exploitation that the Pakistani regime has long concealed from the global stage," she added. She cited an excerpt from the "Democratic Transitional Plan for Iran" announced by the Free Balochistan Movement and carried by MEMRI in November of last year. It seeks to provide a template for various national movements to cooperate at a time when "armed national insurgent groups, such as those in Kurdistan and Balochistan, seek to overthrow the regime and regain their independence." "Washington needs partners in the region, and America's strategic allies are called: Kurds, Ahwazis, and Balochs," Mahjar-Barducci said. "As soon as the West shows its interest, other ethnic groups will join the fight for freedom, prosperity, and liberty." People protest on the streets of Mahabad city in West Azerbaijan province, Iran, on November 17, 2022, during the "Women, Life, Freedom" demonstrations in response to the death of Mahsa Amini. People protest on the streets of Mahabad city in West Azerbaijan province, Iran, on November 17, 2022, during the "Women, Life, Freedom" demonstrations in response to the death of Mahsa Amini. Middle East Images/AFP/Getty Images Rules of Engagement Rewritten Jonathan Spyer, a British Israeli analyst who is head of the Middle East Forum and previously served in the IDF as a reservist in the 2006 Lebanon War, argued that the change in discourse at the unofficial level in Israel was likely indicative of shifting tides at the top levels of Israel as well. This comes, Spyer argued, at a time when "there is a greater awareness in Israel now that the region has changed" in fundamental ways that allow for new forms of building ties abroad. "In our 21st century context, by contrast with, let's say, the late 20th century, the role of non-government organizations in terms of cross-border, cross-country dialogue and activity is much greater than it was 40 years ago," Spyer told Newsweek. "The potential is much bigger," he added, "and also, the potential of NGOs to partner with states is a very notable feature of our current sort of global landscape." As such, he believed that a number of prominent organizations that have accelerated discussions regarding the plight faced by Iranian ethnic minorities, "especially because some of them are headed by former officials, are keyed into the discussion within the system." While the context is vastly different from the situation in Iran, Israel has also demonstrated its capacity to openly operate under the pretext of protecting minorities closer to home. Israel conducted new rounds of strikes against Syria's transitional government earlier this month in a stated effort to prevent violence targeting the Druze, a religious community that also has a sizable presence in Israel. In an op-ed published by Newsweek amid the clashes that rocked southern Syria, Sawsan Natour-Hasson, minister for public diplomacy at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, D.C., praised the raids conducted by her country, which she described as "the only democracy in the Middle East that actively protects minority rights." But how Israel could feasibly proceed with such plans in Iran remains uncertain, even as the dust continues to settle from Iran's direct confrontation with both Israeli and U.S. airstrikes. Spyer said such a framework would necessitate first establishing a channel of communication based on trust and identifying needs of specific groups within Iran "to increase the capacity and capabilities of whichever body you're dealing," including in the realms of "propaganda and information." "Obviously, at the top level will be military support, the provision of weaponry and military and hard capacities in that area," Spyer said. "And that's not unimaginable, either." A member of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps stands guard at Enqelab-e-Eslami square in downtown Tehran, Iran, amid heightened postwar security measures on June 24. A member of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps stands guard at Enqelab-e-Eslami square in downtown Tehran, Iran, amid heightened postwar security measures on June 24. Vahid Salemi/AP Risking Blowback Spyer also signaled caution to such an approach, given past lessons of nations backing non-state actors in the Middle East, a tactic Iran itself has excelled in for more than four decades. Iran's Axis of Resistance coalition, though battered from the broader war with Israel that erupted in October 2023, was the product of Tehran's long-standing investment in supporting predominantly Shiite Muslim factions in the majority-Sunni Muslim region, counting main forces in Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen, as well as smaller movements in Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bahrain and Pakistan. "The question is whether Israel wants to get into the game or not, and I think that that's why these are the issues that are under discussion," Spyer said. "And I think that the potential, at least in my humble opinion, is very considerable." Senior Iranian officials have also acknowledged the risk posed by Israeli inroads within its territory, while warning they, too, had assets they could activate behind enemy lines. "I believe that the countries that have problems with each other, and even while you have enemies, such as Israel, it's normal that they work in the others' territories to gain information, to work towards infiltration, as Iran is doing in Israel," Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs Kazem Gharibabadi told reporters during a small gathering last week in New York. "Also, we have our own sources there. We have our own targets in Israel," Gharibabadi, who serves as Iran's lead negotiator in nuclear talks with the United States. "But by the way, it is the responsibility of the security services to identify those that are working with Israel." He asserted that Iranian security forces had "arrested several people throughout the country that were working with Israel" during the war, and that "there will be no mercy for them" within "the context of our laws and regulations." But there's another inherent risk he identified in such a plan, and that involves past lessons in nations backing non-state actors in the Middle East only to inadvertently face new foes in an arena of even greater instability. "The enemy of your enemy is not necessarily your friend. That's something which is really important to bear in mind," Spyer said. "And in the specific context of the struggle against Iran, the danger area, of course, is that there are movements, I would say, specifically, of the Sunni Salafi and extreme Sunni jihadi variety, who are opposed to the Islamic Republic of Iran." A number of experts and former U.S. officials recently told Newsweek that the Islamic State militant group (ISIS), particularly its Khorasan branch, could also seek to take advantage of a weakened Iran to sow further unrest. Lahav emphasized that stringent measures would need to be taken in Israel's outreach to Iranian insurgent groups to avoid creating outcomes with the potential to be just as unfavorable, or even more unfavorable, to national and regional security. "They need some help, not only financing, but also some support logistically from the world," Lahav said. "So, there will be some external coalition that will support them, I think, financially, also with some arms and training, if it's possible." "But we need also to make sure that this is not going to be like we're supporting any kind of civil war, or we're supporting some groups that they will take dictatorship and change it with a new dictatorship."
Newsweek
2 hours ago
- Newsweek
Iran Says US Plotted to Overthrow Government
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Iran's top spy agency on Monday accused the United States and Israel of plotting to install a puppet government in Tehran led by the exiled son of the last Iranian monarch. The alleged operation in June, which coincided with Israeli and U.S. airstrikes on Iran's nuclear enrichment sites, was part of "a premeditated and multifaceted war," Iran's Intelligence Ministry said, according to the semi-official Tasnim news agency. Newsweek has reached out to the U.S. State Department and Israel's Foreign Ministry for comment. Why It Matters Tehran is intensifying efforts to root out alleged espionage following its two-week missile war with Israel. It said the conflict was publicly centered on Iran's nuclear and missile capabilities, with a parallel objective of regime destabilization in line with longstanding U.S. and Israeli interests. Tensions between Iran and the United States have escalated sharply despite the ceasefire brokered by President Donald Trump. Iran claimed political and symbolic success by surviving the Israeli attack, while the Israeli and U.S. militaries said their bombing campaign dealt significant damage Iran's strategic infrastructure, setting back its nuclear ambitions for years. Iranian worshippers chant slogans as they hold up posters of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in an anti-U.S. and anti-Israeli protest after their Friday prayers in Tehran, Iran, Friday, July 25, 2025. Iranian worshippers chant slogans as they hold up posters of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in an anti-U.S. and anti-Israeli protest after their Friday prayers in Tehran, Iran, Friday, July 25, 2025. Vahid Salemi/AP Photo What To Know The Iranian Intelligence Ministry said the United States and Israel attempted to deploy armed security forces to Tehran as part of the "regime-change scheme" to put in power Reza Pahlavi, the eldest son of Iran's last Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. A CIA-backed coup in 1953 had restored the pro-Western shah, only for the 1979 Islamic Revolution to topple the monarchy and usher in the current theocracy. Mohammed Reza Pahlavi fled the country that year, while U.S.-based Reza Pahlavi has long pushed for non-violent regime change, but has limited support inside Iran. "The U.S. and the Zionist regime plotted to install a puppet exile government headed by the disgraced Pahlavi heir, coordinating closely with known Zionist operatives," Iran's spy agency said. The ministry said it seized arms including rocket launchers, explosives and U.S.-made weaponry in its border areas, and alleged that Israel had coordinated with separatist groups, including ISIS elements, to spark internal unrest. Tehran said it arrested dozens of people accused of participating in the plot, "disguised as civil or religious groups," seeming confirming the wider security crackdown on alleged Mossad agents following the 12-day conflict, in which Israel attacked nuclear and military sites across the country and killed top Iranian commanders and scientists. Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei avoided assassination by relocating to a fortified underground bunker during the Israeli strikes. Israeli defense chief Israel Katz publicly acknowledged that Israel had intended to kill Khamenei. Israeli media said this week that Iranian authorities arrested at least 35 Jews suspected of spying, including two Americans. What People Are Saying Iran's Intelligence Ministry said via the Tasnim news agency: "The war preparation included deceptive negotiations, misuse of international organizations, illegal resolutions from the IAEA Board of Governors, media propaganda, and intelligence operations by [U.S. Central Command], the Pentagon, and Zionist-linked corporations utilizing advanced satellite and cyber technologies. "However, Western intelligence agencies, relying on delusional analysis and misinformation from anti-Iran groups, underestimated Iran's resilience. The enemy's strategy, modeled on failed U.S. regime change operations, was crushed by Iran's unified defense." Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said in June: "If he had been in our sights, we would have taken him out. Khamenei understood this, went very deep underground, broke off contact with the commanders…so in the end it wasn't realistic." U.S. President Donald Trump said on Truth Social in June: "It's not politically correct to use the term, 'Regime Change,' but if the current Iranian Regime is unable to MAKE IRAN GREAT AGAIN, why wouldn't there be a Regime change??? MIGA!!!" What Happens Next The United States has supported European demands for Iran to demonstrate compliances with nuclear regulations or face new sanctions at the United Nations.
