Will North Korean POW's asylum plea in South Korea spark ‘domino effect'?
A North Korean prisoner of war has become the first from his country captured in Ukraine to seek asylum in South Korea , with experts suggesting it could spark a flood of similar requests and force Pyongyang to reconsider its role in a conflict far beyond its borders.
The 26-year-old POW, surnamed Ri, is one of two North Korean soldiers captured by Ukrainian forces. In his first interview with the Korean press, Ri told the Chosun newspaper that he was almost certain about defecting.
'I'm about 80 per cent sure about my decision,' Ri said in the interview published on Wednesday. 'Most importantly, I want to seek refuge in the Republic of Korea. If I apply for asylum, will they accept me?' he said, referencing South Korea's official name.
Professor Kim Jee-yong, an expert in international relations at the Republic of Korea Naval Academy, said he believed that granting Ri asylum could set off a 'domino effect', with other North Korean POWs following suit.
'This would force North Korea to reconsider its continued participation in the war,' Kim told This Week in Asia. Ukrainian forces capture two North Korean soldiers fighting alongside Moscow's forces in Russia's Kursk border region. Photo: Ukrainian Presidential Press Office/AP
A government official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said on Wednesday that North Korean soldiers were South Korean citizens under the South's constitution, which defined all Koreans – whether they lived in the North or South – as citizens of the Republic of Korea.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Asia Times
12 hours ago
- Asia Times
Letter from Seoul: This isn't just another election
Sometimes when momentous things happen in a country, most people don't notice. That's normal. People focus on their lives – jobs, family, finances, and the like. I've been in Seoul, South Korea, for about a week, having been asked to come and see what's going on with the upcoming presidential election. You wouldn't know that an election that might determine South Korea's future is underway. The election was called three months ago after conservative president Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. He'd declared martial law out of frustration over the leftist-dominated National Assembly using its immense power to make governing impossible. Yoon called it a 'legislative dictatorship.' So now it's a race between Lee Jae-myung from the leftist Democratic Party of Korea (DP) and Kim Moon-soo – of the generally conservative People Power Party (PPP). The DPK contains some hard-core radicals who want to align with the People's Republic of China and North Korea and even end the US-ROK alliance. Lee himself has called the US forces 'occupiers' – and is charged with involvement in sending $8 million to North Korea when he was governor of Gyeonggi Province. One of his lieutenants has already been convicted. Kim – a former labor activist is pro-US alliance. And he has no illusions about or love for South Korean leftists – having once been one of them – or the Chinese communists and North Korea. But there is another conservative candidate running. Lee Jun-seok of the small New Reform Party will siphon off votes from Kim. Polls, not always reliable, put the DPK in the lead. We will know soon enough. Two days of early voting are finished and election day is June 3d. A Kim victory would be better for the US-ROK alliance, although the DP-dominated National Assembly would still make life miserable for a conservative president. If Lee Jae-myung prevails, things could be very different. The leftists will have nearly every lever of power in South Korea. They just need the presidency. They already have the National Assembly (189 seats of 300), much of the judiciary and the police, the media, academia, labor unions and the all-powerful National Election Commission (NEC). Big business has been under attack, and even the ROK military has been put on notice. South Korean leftists have long wanted total and permanent control. But it started in earnest around 2017 when leftist, Moon Jae-in was elected president following the controversial removal of conservative president Park Chung-hee If Lee wins, he won't sever the US alliance or nestle up to the PRC and North Korea right away. US officialdom will tell itself the leftists are pragmatists and won't end the good thing they have with the United States. But bit by bit the US-ROK relationship will grow colder. Seoul's relationships with Beijing and Pyongyang will warm up. Ties with Japan – improved under President Yoon – will enter the walk-in freezer. The National Assembly and the leftist president will do whatever they want – and nobody can stop them. South Korea will effectively be a one-party state. Future elections won't matter. The National Election Commission will see to that. It has been stonewalling widespread and detailed citizen-produced evidence of electoral irregularities starting with the 2020 National Assembly election – which gave the DP a solid majority for the first time. Similar evidence was produced after the 2022 presidential election and the 2024 National Assembly election. Mention election integrit, however, and South Koreans can find the police at their doorstep and charges leveled. Being ridiculed as a conspiracy theorist is a given. But consider the fact that the NEC declared its system was unhackable – when citizens demanded transparency. Yet in 2023 the North Korean Lazarus Group repeatedly hacked the NEC network. Public outcry allowed the National Intelligence Service (not yet entirely under leftist domination) to run penetration tests. NIS ran wild and reported how the electoral system can be electronically manipulated. I came to Korea in 2020 to investigate allegations of rigging at the request of concerned citizens. I expected to find nothing much. In short order, it was obvious there were problems. Nothing has changed. It's still a system ripe for and apparently rife with manipulation. And authorities will not examine the evidence. Some South Koreans are trying to ensure honest elections. But they are beleaguered. They would sorely appreciate a kind word from President Trump. But the Trump administration stands by mute, with eyes primly averted. It declares the relationship 'rock solid' and 'forged in blood? And 'who are we to meddle in another country's politics?' But rather than electoral interference it would be providing oxygen to people who want to be free and are under pressure. There's nothing wrong with speaking up for consensual government, and civil liberties – and for your friends. And it puts the bad guys on notice. If they think America doesn't care or won't do anything at all they'll smother the opposition. Recall support for dissidents in Russia and Poland and elsewhere in the Cold War? It mattered. The US stayed quiet when Hugo Chavez came along in Venezuela in the early 1990's. The honest people just wanted something suggesting USA gave two hoots. They got nothing. And Venezuela is now in the China / Cuba camp. At least one big problem still remains for the leftists who see their goal in sight. That is the fact that most South Koreans don't want to be like China or North Korea – and support for the US alliance is strong, even among more than a few Democratic Party voters. And Koreans can be mercurial. They may not quietly go along with what South Korea's hard-core radicals have in mind. So this isn't just another election. If Washington hasn't paid proper attention to South Korea yet, it will have no choice but to do so before long.
Asia Times
17 hours ago
- Asia Times
Mismanaged early voting stirs voter distrust in S Korea election
Early voting for South Korea's 2025 presidential election took place on May 29 and 30 but, as in previous years, it was marred by troubling irregularities and signs of mismanagement. In past presidential and general elections, the National Election Commission (NEC) dismissed concerns as 'simple mistakes' or 'minor mistakes.' This time, however, public awareness and scrutiny were far greater. Korean citizens actively monitored polling stations and mainstream media outlets reported on the irregularities, backed by clear evidence of procedural misconduct. Over two days of early voting, a pattern of serious breaches emerged in polling sites across multiple regions, raising alarms about the credibility of the electoral process. In Sinchon-dong, Seoul, 30 to 40 ballots were removed from the polling station – an act strictly prohibited under NEC guidelines. In Gimpo and Bucheon, Gyeonggi Province, ballot boxes intended for the presidential election were found to contain ballots from the 22nd general election in 2024. In Gangnam, Seoul, a poll worker was arrested after using a spouse's ID to vote illegally. In Yongin, ballots pre-marked in favor of Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung were discovered inside return envelopes designated for out-of-district voters. This prompted a police investigation. At another polling station, due to overcrowding, unmarked ballots were distributed to voters waiting outside. Some reportedly left the area – ballot in hand – to visit nearby restaurants before returning to vote, also in violation of NEC procedural rules. Growing suspicion of foreign influence has added further complexity. Former Chinese nationals who had acquired South Korean citizenship shared images and posts about their participation in early voting on Chinese social media platforms. This fueled public anxiety about possible Chinese interference in the presidential election. Concerns over the integrity of South Korea's election have drawn international attention. US conservative commentator Gordon G. Chang – known for his hawkish stance on China and publicly praised by President Trump (Trump said to Chang at the 2023 Conservative Political Action Committee gathering, 'I agree with almost everything you said, almost everything') – spoke out Thursday against the NEC's handling of early voting, saying, 'Fraud is widespread in the South Korean election.' Indeed, as far back as January 7 this year, Chang was spreading to his followers on X the slogan 'Stop the Steal in South Korea!' The National Election Integrity Association (NEIA), a US-based organization, sent a delegation to South Korea to observe the process. On May 30, the group released a public statement citing numerous violations in the early voting system. Among the NEIA observers is Morse Tan, former US ambassador-at-large for global criminal justice, appointed in the first Trump administration. Other members of the group are retired US Marine Corps Colonels John R. Mills (a former Pentagon cybersecurity expert) and Grant Newsham (whose articles frequently appear in Asia Times) and scholar Bradley Thayer. Faced with evidence, the NEC issued a rare apology. On May 29, the commission acknowledged problems in the early voting process. As further incidents were exposed, a second apology followed. On May 31, NEC Chairperson Rho Tae-ak stated, 'I sincerely apologize for causing confusion among the voters. We will manage more thoroughly in the upcoming election-day voting to ensure voters can cast their ballots with confidence.' Still, public skepticism remains – especially since every known error has so far favored the same candidate, Lee Jae-myung. Calls for reform are intensifying. Some South Koreans argue that early voting should be abolished altogether, citing the frequency and severity of past controversies. Others propose narrowing the four-day time gap between early voting and official election day to allow for better oversight and reduce opportunities for manipulation. A more forward-looking solution is the adoption of blockchain-based voting systems. By timestamping every action and making records immutable, blockchain technology could offer a secure, transparent alternative. Brazil offers a real-world example. In 2020, the country implemented a cryptocurrency called Decred's blockchain through the Voto Legal platform to track campaign donations transparently. Then, in 2022, Brazil again used Decred's blockchain – this time to record the official campaign platforms of major candidates. The aim was to verify the authenticity of policy proposals and fight disinformation. The 2025 South Korean presidential early voting has exposed systemic vulnerabilities that can no longer be ignored. As citizens and international observers voice growing concern, the NEC's credibility continues to erode. If South Korea is to restore public trust and protect the foundation of its democracy, bold, transparent reforms – whether procedural or technological – must move from discussion to action. Hanjin Lew, a political commentator specializing in East Asian affairs, is a former international spokesman for South Korean conservative parties.
Asia Times
2 days ago
- Asia Times
Soldiers have a huge stake in Ukraine-Russia drone-tech arms race
Ukrainian drone warfare has evolved from improvisation to a high‑volume, precision‑strike ecosystem that Russia often struggles to match. With some operators flying up to 15 missions a day and factories now producing millions of drones, Ukraine's domestic drone production has reached an unprecedented scale. These drones have become central to Ukraine's battlefield strategy – pinpointing, punishing and relentlessly pushing back Russian forces – even as some analysts question how long Ukraine can hold its technological advantage. Russian troops, by contrast, are often starved for drones. Some battalions receive just 10 to 15 FPV (first-person view) drones per week. 'We know where they are flying from, but there is nothing to kill with,' lamented one Russian operator. A Russian drone developer recently admitted, 'Modern combat realities prompt us to modernize and iterate on drones practically every month.' Regulatory bottlenecks have made matters worse. 'Heavy drones now require state approval,' wrote a Russian blogger, noting that units have begun constructing their own drones to fill the vacuum left by the faltering domestic drone industry. An FPV drone is being prepared for combat operations in Eastern Ukraine. Photo: David Kirichenko One of the standout innovations has been Ukraine's development of the Vampire – a heavy multirotor drone the Russians have nicknamed Baba Yaga after a mythical Slavic witch. Russian forces have attempted crude countermeasures, attaching long sticks to their FPV drones to intercept Ukraine's bulky bombers. Russian soldiers, when the Baba Yaga drone flies overhead, are terrified of the resulting impact. While Ukraine continues to develop newer platforms, it has also refined older systems to enhance their impact on the battlefield. Mavic drones pioneered the use of light bombing in Ukraine, serving as lethal anti-personnel systems early in the war. But FPVs have since taken over the role, offering greater payload capacity and flexibility. Some FPV drones now carry up to six VOG high-explosive grenade bombs – compared with the two typically deployed by Mavics – allowing for more impactful strikes with greater reach and frequency. Ukrainian drone operators are loading T-62 anti-tank mines onto a heavy bomber drone. Photo: David Kirichenko One of the more recent innovations pushing that edge is the emergence of mothership drones. Ukraine is using mothership drones – large unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) capable of carrying and launching multiple FPV drones – to conduct long-range strikes behind enemy lines. In the (translated) words of one Russian commentator, FPV drones are about tactical dominance. They bring chaos, fear and uncertainty to close combat. They are not feared, they are hated. They are cheap, massive and deadly effective. And their potential grows with each passing day: AI guidance, automated launches, swarms. These are no longer makeshift weapons, but new close-combat artillery. FPV drones have emerged as a key interceptor weapon to target Russian reconnaissance drones for the Ukrainian military. The Russians use the FPV drones to target Ukrainian Baba Yaga drones. Yurii, a drone pilot in Ukraine's 23rd Mechanized Brigade, has been fighting since 2014 and is regarded as one of the best pilots in the unit. Photo: David Kirichenko Much of Ukraine's operational drone success stems from specialized units. The Birds of Magyar, one of Ukraine's most prolific drone units, released some data from the outfit's drone operations. In March 2025 alone, the unit executed more than 11,600 sorties, hitting over 5,300 targets. Most of these were achieved with FPV drones (67%) and heavy bombers (31%). While viral FPV strike videos captivate online audiences, the less glamorous Baba Yaga night bombers may in fact inflict the bulk of real-world damage. These UAVs specialize in demolishing infrastructure and personnel shelters, not just enemy armour. The March tally: 1,701 strikes on Russian infantry, resulting in 1,002 confirmed kills, and dozens of bunker-busting missions. Furthermore, in April, Ukrainian drone brigades reported striking 83,000 Russian targets – marking a 5 percent increase compared to March. Dmytro Lysenko, a drone pilot with the 109th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade, before he was killed in combat in 2024 stated: 'Even when we drop explosives from drones on Russians, I sometimes shiver and feel discomfort because I remember all those times I was sitting in a trench.' He added, 'The Russians would shoot at us with everything possible. But the drone was the scariest. A shell can fly and miss and that's it. But a drone pilot aims and will be very accurate when they drop an explosive.' Russian milblogger 'Vault 8' highlighted how Ukrainian FPV and reconnaissance drones dominate territory up to 25 kilometers behind the front line, making road travel highly dangerous and turning rear areas into what he calls a 'highway of death,' where even vehicles far from the front are frequently destroyed. Both sides are having to adapt to this reality. In 2024, one drone pilot told me that at some point in the near future, heavy armor won't be able to get within 10km (six miles) of the front and that 'Autonomous drones will patrol the skies and will be taking out all the heavy armor.' Now, Ukraine is using these drones to build a 'drone wall' along the front line, extending the no-man's land for dozens of kilometers and deterring Russian advances through constant aerial threat. Russia, for months, has been using motorcycles to spearhead its suicidal offensives, mainly due to a shortage of armored vehicles because of Ukrainian drones. Ukraine's 425th Skala Assault Regiment recently established its own motorcycle assault company. With FPV drones acting as the new artillery of modern warfare, motorcycles now offer one of the best chances for assault units to quickly break through. A Ukrainian FPV drone loaded with small explosives in Chasiv Yar. Photo: David Kirichenko Beyond direct attacks, the unit also lays mines, conducts drone reconnaissance (more than 10,000 missions to date) and is testing jamming-resistant drones. With national production surging to 200,000 drones a month, the kill rate of Birds of Magyar has soared, from under 300 targets a year ago to over 5,000 now. The drone unit is now averaging one Russian killed every 6.5 minutes. Even Ukraine's logistics have gone airborne. 'Vampire drones have now started to be used as logistics drones in some directions,' said Oleksii, a drone unit commander in the 108th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade. (The Ukrainian military protocol is for active duty personnel to provide only their given names.) They carry food and ammunition to frontline units, flying at low altitudes to avoid detection. 'FPVs ranging from 10 to 15 inches are being used,' Oleksii said. 'Unlike the Vampire, the FPV crew is much more mobile.' And while bombers must drop payloads from high altitudes to avoid small arms fire, FPVs can dive directly into a one-meter target. 'They're both effective, but each has its nuances,' said Danilo, a drone pilot for the 108th. 'FPVs are more effective against pinpoint targets, where the scale of damage doesn't matter but accuracy does.' For hardened positions, Danilo adds, FPVs fall short: 'A Vampire drone can drop a couple of TM-62 mines and take care of it. But it's a big drone, bulky, and requires a crew. It's harder to work with.' Oleksii further described the challenge: 'With a Vampire, you still need to transport it by vehicle. That means you either have to get close to the position or fly it from a long distance. At long range, it's very visible in thermal cameras and can be intercepted, even shot down by another FPV, before it even crosses the line of contact.' In some cases, however, FPVs outperform the Baba Yaga. 'FPVs, even with an effectiveness rate of 30-40%, cause more damage than the Vampire,' said Andrii of the 59th Brigade (Da Vinci Wolves). That's because Russian vehicles often stay far from the frontline. 'Not every Vampire can reach that far, but most FPVs can.' Moreover, FPVs fare better under Russian jamming, as they can switch control frequencies mid-flight, something the Vampire cannot do. One Russian reported that Ukraine's heavy drone bombers – targeting artillery crews, tanks, and command posts – offer a major strategic advantage due to Ukraine's systematic development and deployment methods. Ukraine also recently recorded its first confirmed kill using a drone-mounted grenade launcher, highlighting how the technological drone race continues to evolve. Even Ukraine's logistics have gone airborne. 'Vampires have now started to be used as logistics drones in some directions,' said Oleksii. They carry food and ammunition to frontline units, flying at low altitudes to avoid detection. 'FPVs ranging from 10 to 15 inches are being used. Unlike the Vampire, the FPV crew is much more mobile.' And while bombers must drop payloads from high altitudes to avoid small arms fire, FPVs can dive directly into a one-meter target. Soldiers from Ukraine's 23rd Mechanized Brigade are setting up a heavy bomber drone to conduct operations in Chasiv Yar. Photo David Kirichenko Russia, meanwhile, is still scrambling to respond. It lacks anything comparable to the Vampire/Baba Yaga. 'Ukraine invested in its fleet of larger, long-range drones as a response to Russia's investment in Shahed/Geran drones,' observed Samuel Bendett, an adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security. 'Russia seems to be satisfied with Geran performance to date, has invested heavily in their mass production (many thousands to date) and seems to be content with their relatively low cost,' said Bendett. However, he also noted that 'since these drones have different ranges and different missions, they should not be compared to smaller FPVs, which have a different range and different tactical applications.' 'Ukrainian Vampire-type heavy drones have a complementary role to FPVs,' explained Roy Gardiner, an open-source weapons researcher and former Canadian officer. 'While FPVs attack Russian logistics vehicles during the day, heavy drones attack the same vehicles at night by precision mining Russian roads. The Russians complain the Ukrainian Baba Yagas have significantly increased in numbers, sometimes attacking several at a time and increasingly during the day.' 'There have been indications that Russian drone units have been forbidden to make direct purchases without permission from above,' said Gardiner. In the meantime, Russian units have resorted to bizarre improvisations, including the 'Vobla,' a jerry-rigged drone with four quadcopters connected to a single flight controller. 'Russia has made a lot of noise about developing a domestic drone industry, which of course has failed to deliver,' wrote Gardiner. With its drone innovation, Ukraine is positioning itself as a future defense hub for Europe. 'Ukrainians are training NATO in Poland and the UK, and have consulted with the Pentagon about their innovative use of US equipment,' said Branislav Slantchev, a political science professor at UC San Diego. 'Ukraine's defense industry will be massive,' he added. Ukraine 'was a critical hub in Soviet production and will now be part of Europe's.' Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine's former commander-in-chief, said, 'Europe needs Ukraine as a shield. We have the biggest army on the continent. We are the only one with an army that knows how to contain Russia.' Zaluzhnyi added, 'The only one with an army that knows how to wage modern, high-tech warfare.' An associate research fellow of the London-based Henry Jackson Society think tank, David Kirichenko is a Ukrainian-American freelance journalist, activist and security engineer who, multiple times during the Ukraine War, has traveled to and worked in the areas being fought over. He can be found on the social media platform X @DVKirichenko
