
Beijing slams BBC Chinese, Nikkei Asia over ‘distorted reports' on Hong Kong nat. sec law
In a statement released on Tuesday, the spokesperson of the Commissioner's Office of the Chinese Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong said reports, commentaries and editorials published by 'certain foreign media outlets,' including BBC Chinese and Nikkei Asia, had 'discredited the successful practice of One Country, Two Systems' in the city.
Without referring to specific articles, the spokesperson called on the two media organisations to 'respect facts, not lies,' and 'uphold fairness, not double standards.'
The office said that since the national security law was implemented on June 30, 2020, Hong Kong 'has regained stability' and the city's economic development 'has returned to the right track,' adding that enacting national security legislation is a 'common international practice.'
'Yet, while being conspicuously quiet about their own national security laws, these outlets maliciously attack the Hong Kong National Security Law, which once again exposed their hypocrisy and double standards,' the statement read.
Last month, BBC Chinese published at least five reports relating to the fifth anniversary of the national security law. One article featured interviews with journalism scholar Francis Lee, as well as a journalist and a political commentator, both using pseudonyms, on their views about public opinion in the city after the national security law took effect.
Lee said some Hongkongers may avoid news because they felt 'disappointed' in the social environment.
Meanwhile, the journalist said he did not want to become the 'mouthpiece' of the government, but, at the same time, struggled to include opinion from 'appropriate interviewees' following a wave of disbandment of political parties and civil society groups.
BBC Chinese also produced a video report about national security education in the city. The UK-based news outlet spoke with local secondary school and university students, teachers responsible for coordinating national security education, and members of the public about the effectiveness of patriotic education.
Some interviewees said society became more 'harmonious' after the government stepped up national education, while others said it amounted to 'brainwashing' and did not make them more patriotic.
On June 30, Nikkei Asia published an article about the emergence of the Chinese-language publishing scene in Tokyo after the national security law was implemented in Hong Kong. The legislation has 'undermined' Hong Kong's 'uncensored book scene,' the report read.
The Japan-based outlet also published a report on July 1 – the 28th anniversary of Hong Kong's Handover to China – about the city's press freedom following the enactment of the national security law.
The report featured an interview with Washington-based journalist Barry Wood, who suspected that his dismissal from government-funded broadcaster RTHK earlier this year was linked to a column about the 2019 protests he wrote years earlier.
It also interviewed journalist Lam Yin-pong, who founded a one-man outlet, reNews, after losing his job at Stand News nearly four years ago. Stand News was forced to shut down in December 2021, following the arrest of its top editors and a police raid.
Lam told Nikkei Asia that he 'strikes a balance between caution and conviction' when reporting. He said he would review past court rulings to 'avoid crossing red lines' but would not self-censor.
Hong Kong has plummeted in international press freedom indices since the onset of the 2020 and 2024 security laws. Watchdogs cite the arrest and jailing of journalists, raids on newsrooms and the closure of around 10 media outlets including Apple Daily, Stand News and Citizen News. Over 1,000 journalists have lost their jobs, whilst many have emigrated. Meanwhile, the city's government-funded broadcaster RTHK has adopted new editorial guidelines, purged its archives and axed news and satirical shows.
In 2022, Chief Executive John Lee said press freedom was 'in the pocket' of Hongkongers but 'nobody is above the law.' Although he has told the press to ' tell a good Hong Kong story,' government departments have been reluctant to respond to story pitches.
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For Azerbaijan, the PSA is more than a single upstream investment. It reflects SOCAR's long-term strategy to reposition itself as a regional services and consulting powerhouse. With its mature offshore fields in the Azeri–Chirag–Gunashli complex beginning to decline, SOCAR has sought to find new basins, diversify partnerships, and define a role in upstream capacity-building. It has already done this in Georgia and Turkey. Uzbekistan looks to be a next frontier, where Baku can project not just hydrocarbons but institutional models, legal expertise, and project finance structuring. The Azerbaijan–Uzbekistan PSA also operates within a wider lattice of multilateral energy governance. The EBRD has supported Uzbekistan's energy sector reform through targeted funding and technical assistance, notably including corporate governance restructuring. Likewise, the World Bank's ongoing projects have helped to modernize grid infrastructure and implement market design reforms while installing renewable capacity. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is co-financing the Caspian Green Energy Corridor's feasibility study and has explicitly noted the importance of hydrocarbon-derived fiscal buffers in supporting the green transition. All these institutions look favorably on deeper Azerbaijan–Uzbekistan relations as a scalable model for rules-based, balanced partnerships between resource-rich developing economies. Uzbekistan's turn toward a sustainable energy market began with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's accession to power in 2016. Since then, Tashkent has pursued coordinated reforms designed to open its energy sector to competition and capital. In 2019, the government consolidated upstream, midstream and downstream sectors under a single Ministry of Energy, thus centralizing regulatory oversight and facilitating coherent policymaking. It also dismantled the vertically integrated monopoly of Uzbekneftegaz, introduced market-based electricity pricing and authorized private sector entry into wind and solar power. Legislators updated and passed renovated PSA provisions that align with international standards by streamlining licensing, reducing expropriation risk and encouraging technology transfer. These reforms enabled broader strategic flexibility. Uzbekistan has continuing connections to Russia's pipeline system and it has accepted Chinese development finance, but it has sought to avoid over-reliance on either. It has also explored linkages with South Korea and Japan. Notably, Uzbekistan has deliberately structured its reform process to attract varied actors without locking itself into dependency. 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If successful, it may well catalyze other state companies and independents to enter Uzbekistan's maturing resource sector. The PSA is nested within a broader tripartite framework involving Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan, most visibly articulated through the Caspian Green Energy Corridor. This initiative, announced at COP29 in Baku in November 2024, envisions the export of renewable energy from Central Asia to Europe via high-voltage transmission infrastructure and a Black Sea interconnector. On July 2, 2025, the three countries registered a joint venture called the Green Corridor Alliance with founding shareholders including Azerenerji, KEGOC and Uzbekistan's national grid operator. The joint venture is tasked with constructing and operating a 400-kilometer submarine cable under the Caspian Sea, linking Kazakhstan's grid to Azerbaijan's. Its mission also includes coordinating regulatory harmonization, data-sharing and market integration with EU standards. Multilateral institutions like the ADB, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Multilateral Cooperation Center for Development Finance (MCDF) have financed conceptual and preparatory work on the corridor. These studies align the corridor with EU green taxonomy and the Ten-Year Network Development Plan. The corridor's downstream links extend into Georgia, then onward to Romania through the so-called 'Black Sea Cable.' The corridor seeks not just to be a renewables project but to promote a strategic narrative that establishes Central Asia as an energy exporter on its own terms. Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan have both emphasized this framing in public discourse, contrasting it with dependence on Russian or Iranian routes. The institutionalization of the joint venture and its technical integration with European Network of Transmission System Operators for Electricity (ENTSO-E) protocols mark it as a high-trust interconnection project with tangible geopolitical effects. The PSA expands Azerbaijan's eastward influence and reinforces its profile as a transregional broker. The move complements its established export role via the Southern Gas Corridor and BP partnerships, while securing early-mover advantage in Central Asian upstream sectors. For Uzbekistan, the agreement cements its emergence as a capable actor in regional energy diplomacy and signals its capacity to partner with neighbors on an equal footing. It consolidates reforms while demonstrating that sovereign, rules-based investment partnerships are viable. Geoeconomically, the PSA contributes to a reorientation of Eurasian energy flows, where it is no longer assumed that Russia and China will arbitrate Central Asian exports. Regional actors have now begun to define their own rules and to build their own corridors. The transition is not without dangers that might arise from regulatory misalignment, political turnover or unforeseen infrastructure bottlenecks. However, the current trajectory has a certain institutional maturity and definite regional agency. Its unmistakable characteristic is that Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan are acting not as intermediaries but as architects of a self-designed energy order. From a European perspective, the axis supports both Green Deal and Global Gateway priorities by facilitating westward energy flows with embedded environmental and governance safeguards. Significantly for European sympathy, the agreement offers near-term fiscal returns that can help Uzbekistan fund infrastructure and labor development for the clean transition. Russia retains deep structural influence in Uzbekistan through remittance flows, labor migration channels and linguistic familiarity. Likewise, China's absence from the Ustyurt deal indicates that Beijing's leverage is not monopolistic. Strategically, this bilateral energy axis thus signals a growing willingness among states in the region to transact with one another outside traditional hegemonic structures. It suggests that smaller powers like Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan may now lead integration processes rather than follow some alignment with larger geopolitical poles. It also implies a strategic build-out from the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) platform, where energy cooperation is increasingly connected with digitalization, education, and standardized legal frameworks. The SOCAR–Uzbekistan PSA confirms the credibility of Uzbekistan's reform program and accelerates Azerbaijan's role as an integrative power between Central Asia and Europe. It complements and strengthens the wider Caspian Green Energy Corridor, contributing to a layered architecture of energy cooperation. All these moves together signal the emergence across Eurasia of a new east–west axis that is built from within rather than being imposed from without. The year 2025 may come to be seen as the moment when Central Asian energy politics crossed the threshold from dependency to self-design. For observers of Azerbaijan, its deepening ties with Uzbekistan signify its extension of foreign-policy activity beyond intra-South Caucasus mediation and westward export. Azerbaijan is now actively shaping a multipolar Eurasian core that links Caspian and Central Asian corridors, looking to extend them to South Asia and, separately, the greater Middle East. This emergence challenges inherited regionalisms and inaugurates a new modality of Eurasian integration, premised on lateral sovereignty rather than on vertical dependency. As the Azerbaijan–Uzbekistan axis evolves, its core strength may lie in the combination of hydrocarbon pragmatism with renewable ambition and its marriage of regional self-definition with international interoperability. This is about much more than mere supply-chain logistics; it foretokens a structural realignment with long-term consequences for the balance of power across greater Eurasia.